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Results (139)
Araújo, Manuel, “o-Preterit in Gaulish”, wékwos: Revue d'études indo-européennes 4 (2019): 29–40.
abstract:
This paper builds on previous explanations of the Gaulish verb au̯u̯ot/αυουωτ – and its regional variations – attested in several inscriptions from modern France. In order to account for this obscure verb, I will examine comparative evidence, mostly data from the Insular node of the Celtic branch and from the Germanic branch, as well as with other Indo-European daughter-languages, in some instances. Ultimately, this article’s objective is to offer evidence for the existence of a different way of conjugating the preterit tense in Gaulish, which stems from the ablaut processes used to conjugate the preterit in Proto-Indo-European – a shift from the full-grade to the o-grade in the singular and to the zero-grade in the plural – somewhat similar to the ā-preterit developed by the ancestors of the Brythonic and Goidelic languages.
Delamarre, Xavier, Dictionnaire de la langue gauloise: une approche linguistique du vieux-celtique continental, 3rd ed., Paris: Errance, 2018.
Mikhailova, Tatyana A., “Geneta Viscara: the element caro- in Gaulish compound names and inscriptions”, in: Raimund Karl, and Katharina Möller (eds), Proceedings of the second European Symposium in Celtic Studies: held at Prifysgol Bangor University from July 31st to August 3rd 2017, Hagen/Westfalen: curach bhán, 2018. 71–86.
McKay, Helen, “Defining the systematic patterns for the triple marks of the Coligny calendar”, Études Celtiques 44 (2018): 91–118.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 44, 2018: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Définition des modèles organisés de signes triples du calendrier de ColignyLe calendrier de Coligny fut découvert il y a plus d’un siècle, au cours duquel les modèles complexes, interconnectés, des divers termes disposés au long de ses mois et années ont été dans une large mesure définis, à l’exception des signes triples qui jusqu’à maintenant n’ont été définis qu’en partie. Les modèles suivis par les signes triples seront ici définis de manière plus précise, ainsi que les interactions avec plusieurs notations, y compris le cas spécial du Jour 21, le cas anormal des triades placées à la fin d’une quinzaine, et le terme EXO. Avec la définition du modèle qui gouverne l’année, le modèle organisé qui sous-tend la distribution des signes triples peut maintenant être finalisé avec certitude, au lieu de compléter le calendrier en restituant les jours inconnus par assemblage.
[EN] It is now over a century since the Coligny calendar was discovered, during which time the intricate, complex and interrelating patterns of the various terms that are layered over its months and years have to a large degree been defined, one exception being the triple marks which have so far only been defined in part. Here the patterns followed by the triple marks are further defined, along with the mark’s interactions with several related notations, including the special treatment of Day 21, the anomalous treatment of triplets that run over the end of a fortnight, and the EXO term. With the definition of the pattern that governs the years, the systematic pattern underlying the distribution of the triple marks can now be finalised with certainty, rather than filling in unknown days through conflation.
[EN] It is now over a century since the Coligny calendar was discovered, during which time the intricate, complex and interrelating patterns of the various terms that are layered over its months and years have to a large degree been defined, one exception being the triple marks which have so far only been defined in part. Here the patterns followed by the triple marks are further defined, along with the mark’s interactions with several related notations, including the special treatment of Day 21, the anomalous treatment of triplets that run over the end of a fortnight, and the EXO term. With the definition of the pattern that governs the years, the systematic pattern underlying the distribution of the triple marks can now be finalised with certainty, rather than filling in unknown days through conflation.
Dupraz, Emmanuel, “Bemerkungen über die altkeltischen Fluchrituale: zum Blei von Chartres und einem lateinischen Fluchtäfelchen mit Formeln keltischen Ursprungs”, Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 65 (2018): 83–122.
abstract:
This paper deals with the Gaulish defixio from Chartres and more generally with the Celtic tradition of malediction rituals in Antiquity, as documented by the defixiones from Chartres, Larzac and Chamalières and by contact features in Latin defixiones from the Celtic speaking provinces. It is argued that this tradition, as opposed to the Latin one, systematically advocated that the malediction ritual was performed as a defensive measure against a former malediction by the cursed persons. The same lexemes are used to refer to the cursed persons and to the performer of the cursing ritual: this stylistic device emphasises that the defixio is to be regarded as a counter-malediction.
Kerkhof, Peter Alexander, “Language, law and loanwords in early medieval Gaul: language contact and studies in Gallo-Romance phonology”, PhD thesis, 2018.
Irslinger, Britta, “Medb ‘the intoxicating one’? (Re-)constructing the past through etymology”, in: Mícheál B. Ó Mainnín, and Gregory Toner (eds), Ulidia 4: proceedings of the fourth international conference on the Ulster Cycle of tales, Queen's University Belfast, 27-9 June, 2013, Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2017. 38–94.
Pyysalo, Jouna, “Ten new etymologies between Old Gaulish and the Indo-European languages”, Studia Celtica Fennica 13 (2016): 47–68.
Journal volume: Studia Celtica Fennica: <link>
abstract:
This paper belongs to a series of articles designed to contribute to the solution of one of the central problem of Indo-European linguistics of today, the comparative etymology of Indo-European languages. The ten new Indo-European etymologies for Old Gaulish presented are:1. OGaul. asia- ‘secale’ : Lith. asỹ- ‘Schachtel-, Schafthalm’; 2. OGaul. nemnali- ‘célébrer’ : RV. námna- ‘sich beugen/neigen’; 3. OGaul. mapalia- ‘kindlich’ : TochA. mkälto- ‘jung, klein’; 4. OGaul. mas ‘gl. metallum’ : TochA. msāṣ ‘imo : from beneath’; 5. OGaul. cunobarro- ‘Tête-de-Chien’ : CLu. paraia- ‘hoch’; 6. OGaul. marco- ‘horse’ : TochA. markä- ‘move’; 7. OGaul. slēbino- ‘montanus’ : TochB. ṣale ‘mountain, hill’; 8. OGaul. cobro- ‘love, desire, greed’ : TochB. kakāpo- ‘desire, crave, want’; 9. OGaul. mallo- ‘langsam, träge’ : TochB. mālle ‘dull’; 10. OGaul. bilio- ‘Baum’ : TochB. pilta- ‘leaf, petal’
McKay, Helen, “The Coligny calendar as a Metonic lunar calendar”, Études Celtiques 42 (2016): 95–121.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 42, 2016: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Le caractère lunaire et métonique du calendrier de ColignyDans cet article, l’auteur analyse comment les mois du calendrier de Coligny suivent de très près les lunaisons pendant les 62 mois des 5 années figurant sur la plaque de bronze, et, ce faisant, met en évidence la précision extraordinaire, au jour près, à chaque «extrémité» de la lunaison moyenne. Cela signifie que chaque mois du calendrier lunaire commence toujours au même point de la phase de la lune, et que ce calendrier peut rester synchronisé avec la lune indéfiniment. La forme globale du calendrier est déterminée ensuite par l’attribution de 29 jours au premier mois intercalaire, ce qui fait du calendrier un calendrier métonique tout au long de 4 cycles successifs de 5 ans ; cela montre aussi que, dans cet ensemble de 5 années, nous avons une partie complète, la seule nécessaire, du calendrier entier. Ce calendrier métonique pouvait aussi être intégré à une période de 30 ans, constituée de 6 cycles successifs de 5 ans, sans qu’il soit nécessaire de redéfinir le cycle de 5 ans.
[EN] This paper examines how closely the lunar calendar months of the Coligny calendar track the individual lunations over the 62 months of the 5-year bronze plaque, and in doing so, discovers an extraordinary precision to within a day either side of the average lunation. This means that each calendar month always starts at the same point in the lunar phase and the calendar can remain in sync with the moon indefinitely. The question of the overall shape of the calendar is further defined by assigning 29 days to Intercalary One, which then shows the calendar to be a Metonic calendar through four successive cycles of the 5-year base, and that in the one 5-year plaque we have the complete and only needed part of the entire calendar. This Metonic calendar could also be embedded as part of a larger 30-year age of 6 successive cycles of the 5-year base, again without the necessity of re-shaping the 5-year base cycle.
[EN] This paper examines how closely the lunar calendar months of the Coligny calendar track the individual lunations over the 62 months of the 5-year bronze plaque, and in doing so, discovers an extraordinary precision to within a day either side of the average lunation. This means that each calendar month always starts at the same point in the lunar phase and the calendar can remain in sync with the moon indefinitely. The question of the overall shape of the calendar is further defined by assigning 29 days to Intercalary One, which then shows the calendar to be a Metonic calendar through four successive cycles of the 5-year base, and that in the one 5-year plaque we have the complete and only needed part of the entire calendar. This Metonic calendar could also be embedded as part of a larger 30-year age of 6 successive cycles of the 5-year base, again without the necessity of re-shaping the 5-year base cycle.
Estarán Tolosa, Mariá José, “Kuitoi Lekatos. Une nouvelle lecture de la pierre de San Bernardino di Briona (Novara)”, Études Celtiques 41 (2015): 95–109.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 41, 2015: <link>
abstract:
[FR] L’inscription gauloise de San Bernardino di Briona (Novare) est souvent citée pour illustrer les premiers stades de la romanisation de la Gaule cisalpine. Les épigraphistes ont eu tendance à considérer que cette inscription contenait une liste de noms propres, parmi lesquels se trouvait un praenomen romain appartenant à un legatus local, ce qui est un phénomène extrêmement rare. L’idée a été développée que ce kuitos lekatos aurait reçu ce titre honorifique pour services rendus à Rome. Cet article réévalue la notion de legatus dans le contexte historique de l’inscription et propose une nouvelle lecture du texte, fondée sur une autopsie. D’une part, la lecture traditionnelle en est considérablement transformée ; d’autre part, il apparaît qu’il n’y a pas de lien syntaxique entre le nom propre et le titre présumé.
[EN] Kuitoi Lekatos. A new reading of the inscription of San Bernardino di Briona (Novara). The Gaulish inscription from San Bernardino di Briona (Novara) is often mentioned in order to illustrate the first steps of Romanisation in Cisalpine Gaul. Epigraphical scholarship has tended to consider that this inscription contains a list of nouns among which there is a Roman praenomen, belonging to a local legatus, which is an extremely rare phenomenon. It is argued that this kuitos lekatos received this honorific title for having provided services to Rome. This paper discusses the concept of legatus in the historical context of the inscription and proposes a new reading of the text, based on an autopsy, which changes substantially the traditional one and shows that there is not any syntactical link between the name and the presumed position.
[EN] Kuitoi Lekatos. A new reading of the inscription of San Bernardino di Briona (Novara). The Gaulish inscription from San Bernardino di Briona (Novara) is often mentioned in order to illustrate the first steps of Romanisation in Cisalpine Gaul. Epigraphical scholarship has tended to consider that this inscription contains a list of nouns among which there is a Roman praenomen, belonging to a local legatus, which is an extremely rare phenomenon. It is argued that this kuitos lekatos received this honorific title for having provided services to Rome. This paper discusses the concept of legatus in the historical context of the inscription and proposes a new reading of the text, based on an autopsy, which changes substantially the traditional one and shows that there is not any syntactical link between the name and the presumed position.
Koch, John T., “Some Palaeohispanic implications of the Gaulish inscription of Rezé (Ratiatum)”, in: Guillaume Oudaer, Gaël Hily, and Hervé Le Bihan (eds), Mélanges en l’honneur de Pierre-Yves Lambert, Rennes: TIR, 2015. 333–345.
Van Hal, Toon, “From Alauda to Zythus: The emergence and uses of Old-Gaulish word lists in early modern publications”, Keltische Forschungen 6 (2013–2014): 219–277.
abstract:
Der Beitrag skizziert die humanistische Debatte über das gallische sprachliche Erbe im 16. und frühen 17. Jahrhundert, das französisch- sowie deutschsprechende Wissenschaftler als ihr eigenes erklärten. Bei der Darstellung des Wesens der Sprache, die in Gallien vor Caesars Invasion gesprochen wurde, waren frühneuzeitliche Gelehrte auf die begrenzten Zeugnisse und lexikalischen Ausdrücke der klassischen Autoren angewiesen. In ihrer Diskussion über die gallische Sprache verbanden sie eine ausgewählte Sammlung von Zitaten zur Natur der gallischen Sprache mit der Analyse einiger gallischer Lexeme, wie sie von den klassischen Autoren überliefert wurden. Der Beitrag zeigt die verschiedenen Argumentationsstrategien der frühneuzeitlichen Gelehrten auf, mit denen sie ihre Behauptungen stützten.
The present contribution aims at outlining the 16th- to mid-17th-century humanist debates over the Gaulish linguistic heritage which both French- and Germanic-speaking scholars claimed as their own. When discussing the nature of the language spoken in Gaul before Caesar’s invasion, early modern scholars were forced to rely on the limited testimonies and lexical items provided by classical authors. In making their arguments about the Gaulish language, they combined a selective compilation of quotations on the nature of the Gaulish language with the analysis of some Gaulish lexemes as transmitted by the classical authors. The paper surveys the different argumentative strategies early modern scholars used to underpin their claims.
Lambert, Pierre-Yves, “Le statut du théonyme gaulois”, in: Andreas Hofeneder, and Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel (eds), Théonymie celtique, cultes, interpretatio = Keltische Theonymie, Kulte, interpretatio: X. workshop F.E.R.C.AN., Paris 24.–26.Mai 2010, 79, Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2013. 113–124. URL: <http://www.oapen.org/search?identifier=451552>
Stifter, David, “Two Continental Celtic studies: the vocative of Gaulish, and Essimnus”, in: Juan Luis García Alonso (ed.), Continental Celtic word formation: the onomastic data, 197, Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2013. 99–122.
Delanoy, Arnaud, “Latin ou gaulois? Sur quelques épitaphes de la cité des Lingons”, Ollodagos: actes de la Société Belge d'Études Celtiques 28 (2013): 3–8.
Lambert, Pierre-Yves, “Some Gaulish participial formations”, in: Juan Luis García Alonso (ed.), Continental Celtic word formation: the onomastic data, 197, Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2013. 123–129.
Mullen, Alex, Southern Gaul and the Mediterranean: multilingualism and multiple identities in the Iron Age and Roman periods, Cambridge Classical Studies, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013. xix + 455 pp.
Russell, Paul, “From compound to derivative: the development of a patronymic ‘suffix’ in Gaulish”, in: Juan Luis García Alonso (ed.), Continental Celtic word formation: the onomastic data, 197, Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2013. 201–214.
Sayers, William, “Survivals of Gaulish in French: buta ‘hut, dwelling place’”, French Studies Bulletin 34 (2013): 1–3.
abstract:
This note examines previously unrecognised evidence for the preservation of Gaulish buta ‘hut, dwelling’ in Middle French, and in so doing illustrates the difficulties attendant on research into the Celtic substratum of Gallo-Romance vocabulary. These difficulties notwithstanding, new discoveries of Gaulish-derived lexis are still possible in legal and other utilitarian texts, and throw important light on cultural preservations of more than simple vocabulary.
(source: first paragraph of the article)
Beck, Noémie, “Celtic divine names related to Gaulish and British population groups”, in: Andreas Hofeneder, and Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel (eds), Théonymie celtique, cultes, interpretatio = Keltische Theonymie, Kulte, interpretatio: X. workshop F.E.R.C.AN., Paris 24.–26.Mai 2010, 79, Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2013. 51–71. URL: <http://www.oapen.org/search?identifier=451552>
abstract:
Gallo-Roman and Romano-British epigraphy reveals that names of single deities, mostly goddesses or epithets of Matres and Matronae, are often related to – although not necessarily derived from – the names of population groups. We shall now take a closer look at some of these divine names related to ethno- or toponyms in Gaul and Britain.
(source: introduction)
Hamp, Eric P., “Gaulish ordinals and their history”, Études Celtiques 38 (2012): 131–135.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 38, 2012: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Les ordinaux gaulois et leur histoire, et Hampica
Les ordinaux gaulois présentent différents types de formation, le suffixe ordinal ayant annexé des accrétions au cours de leur développement. L’auteur décrit quels sont les points de départ et les modèles suivis au cours de cette histoire.
[EN] Gaulish ordinals exhibit different formation types, their suffix growing with new accretions during this development. The author describes possible starting points and intervening models.
Les ordinaux gaulois présentent différents types de formation, le suffixe ordinal ayant annexé des accrétions au cours de leur développement. L’auteur décrit quels sont les points de départ et les modèles suivis au cours de cette histoire.
[EN] Gaulish ordinals exhibit different formation types, their suffix growing with new accretions during this development. The author describes possible starting points and intervening models.
Robreau, Bernard, “Essai sur la médecine gauloise, les eaux et les divinités celtiques”, Ollodagos: actes de la Société Belge d'Études Celtiques 27 (2012): 151–326.
Blom, Alderik H., “Endlicher’s glossary”, Études Celtiques 37 (2011): 159–181.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 37, 2011: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Édition nouvelle et étude globale du glossaire gaulois-latin découvert au début du XIXe siècle par le bibliothécaire de Vienne, Endlicher. L’auteur examine les textes qui accompagnent les deux versions du glossaire dans les manuscrits : ce sont principalement des listes de noms géographiques. Après une édition des deux versions, l’auteur livre des notes philologiques destinées à préciser la provenance géographique et les sources les plus probables. Concernant Lugudunum . i. desideratum montem, l’auteur apporte des modifications à la théorie de W. Meid, qui attribuait cette interprétation à une prononciation germanique, conduisant à la confusion avec des mots de la famille de l’angl. love. En fait, l’évolution de Lugu-vers luwu-caractérise autant le roman tardif que le germanique, et la confusion avec celui-ci, si elle s’est produite, est en direction du germanique des deux rives de la Mer du Nord, angl. love ou frison luve. L’influence germanique se marque aussi dans le sens de «montem » prêté à dunum, et dans l’emploi du mot bigardio, auquel il faut comparer, plutôt que le gotique, le toponyme flamand Bijgaarden. Il semble donc que le compilateur parlait une langue germanique de l’Ouest – ce qui est peu éloigné du lieu de provenance du manuscrit de la version longue, Saint-Amand. Concernant les sources, l’auteur décèle avec certitude une utilisation de l’Histoire des Francs de Grégoire de Tours : brio et treide sont tirés d’un toponyme Briotreide cité par cet auteur (HF X, 31). Le même texte a pu fournir les gloses concernant lautro (cf. Louolautro), auallo et onno.
[EN] New edition and general study of the Gaulish-Latin Glossary discovered at the beginning of the XIXth century by the librarian in Vienna, Endlicher. The author analyses the texts accompanying the two versions of the glossary in the manuscripts, mostly lists of geographical names. After an edition of the two versions of the glossary, the author delivers philological notes intended to determine the site of birth, and the most probable sources of the glossary. Concerning Lugudunum . i. desideratum montem, the authors modifies W. Meid ‘ s theory explaining this meaning by a Germanic pronunciation, leading to a confusion with Germanic words such as Engl. love. Actually the evolution of Lugu-into Luwu-is typical of late Romance as well as Germanic languages, and the confusion with these (if it took place) could have been made with the Germanic languages on both sides of the Northern Sea, Engl. love or Frisian luvu. A Germanic influence could also explain the meaning “ montem” given to dunum, and the use of the word bigardio, which should be compared to the Flemish Place-Name Bijgaarden, rather than to Gothic. The compiler was practicing a Western Germanic dialect, which is not very far from Saint-Amand, the place where the only manuscript of the longer version comes from. Concerning sources, the author has detected without any doubt the use of Historia Francorum by Gregory of Tours : brio et treide are taken from a toponym Briotreide quoted by this author (HF X, 31). The same text may have provided the glosses concerning lautro (cf. Louolautro), auallo and onno.
[EN] New edition and general study of the Gaulish-Latin Glossary discovered at the beginning of the XIXth century by the librarian in Vienna, Endlicher. The author analyses the texts accompanying the two versions of the glossary in the manuscripts, mostly lists of geographical names. After an edition of the two versions of the glossary, the author delivers philological notes intended to determine the site of birth, and the most probable sources of the glossary. Concerning Lugudunum . i. desideratum montem, the authors modifies W. Meid ‘ s theory explaining this meaning by a Germanic pronunciation, leading to a confusion with Germanic words such as Engl. love. Actually the evolution of Lugu-into Luwu-is typical of late Romance as well as Germanic languages, and the confusion with these (if it took place) could have been made with the Germanic languages on both sides of the Northern Sea, Engl. love or Frisian luvu. A Germanic influence could also explain the meaning “ montem” given to dunum, and the use of the word bigardio, which should be compared to the Flemish Place-Name Bijgaarden, rather than to Gothic. The compiler was practicing a Western Germanic dialect, which is not very far from Saint-Amand, the place where the only manuscript of the longer version comes from. Concerning sources, the author has detected without any doubt the use of Historia Francorum by Gregory of Tours : brio et treide are taken from a toponym Briotreide quoted by this author (HF X, 31). The same text may have provided the glosses concerning lautro (cf. Louolautro), auallo and onno.
Toorians, Lauran, “Place-names reflecting Gaulish *coslo-dūnon: Coudun, Colembert and Heusden”, Études Celtiques 37 (2011): 153–158.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 37, 2011: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Plusieurs toponymes français paraissent conserver le nom gaulois du «coudrier », * koslo-, comme Coulon (Yonne, anc. Coslumnus), Coolus (Marne, Coslus, 869), et Coole (Marne, Cosla, 983). Ils ont curieusement conservé le groupe -sl-. L’auteur propose d’ajouter à ce groupe deux composés, Coudun (Oise, Cusdum 1157, Cosdunum 756) et Colembert (Pas-de-Calais, Colesberc 1121, Coslesberc 1172), composés avec les éléments gaul. dūnum, et germ. Berg. Le sens devait être : «hauteur couverte de coudriers » . L’auteur a trouvé un parallèle à Coudun * Coslo-dūnum, dans le toponyme Heusden, connu par trois exemples, dans le Limbourg belge (Husdinio 929), dans le Nord Brabant néerlandais (Hysdene 1108), et près de Gand. Il envisage aussi de rattacher un toponyme du Nord de la France, Houdain, Houdent, Houdeng. Pour Heusden comme pour Coudun, il faut supposer une simplification du groupe consonantique -sld-> -sd-.
[EN] Several French toponyms seem to preserve the Gaulish word for «hazel » , * koslo-, such as Coulon (Yonne, former Coslumnus), Coolus (Marne, Coslus, 869), et Coole (Marne, Cosla, 983). Curiously they have kept the -sl-group. The author’s proposal is to add two compound place names, Coudun (Oise, Cusdum 1157, Cosdunum 756) and Colembert (Pas-de-Calais, Colesberc 1121, Coslesberc 1172), compounded with the elements Gaul. dūnum, and Germ. Berg. The meaning was probably «a hill covered with hazel » . The author has identified a parallel to Coudun * Coslo-dūnum, in the toponym Heusden, known by three examples, in the Belgian Limburg (Husdinio 929), in the Dutch North Brabant (Hysdene 1108), and near Ghent. He is considering a link with a toponym from Northern France, Houdain, Houdent, Houdeng. For Heusden as well as for Coudun, one has to suppose a simplification of the consonantal group -sld-> -sd-.
[EN] Several French toponyms seem to preserve the Gaulish word for «hazel » , * koslo-, such as Coulon (Yonne, former Coslumnus), Coolus (Marne, Coslus, 869), et Coole (Marne, Cosla, 983). Curiously they have kept the -sl-group. The author’s proposal is to add two compound place names, Coudun (Oise, Cusdum 1157, Cosdunum 756) and Colembert (Pas-de-Calais, Colesberc 1121, Coslesberc 1172), compounded with the elements Gaul. dūnum, and Germ. Berg. The meaning was probably «a hill covered with hazel » . The author has identified a parallel to Coudun * Coslo-dūnum, in the toponym Heusden, known by three examples, in the Belgian Limburg (Husdinio 929), in the Dutch North Brabant (Hysdene 1108), and near Ghent. He is considering a link with a toponym from Northern France, Houdain, Houdent, Houdeng. For Heusden as well as for Coudun, one has to suppose a simplification of the consonantal group -sld-> -sd-.
Lambert, Pierre-Yves, “Notice explicative du titre de l’ouvrage”, in: Gaël Hily, Patrice Lajoye, and Joël Hascoët (eds), Deuogdonion: mélanges offerts en l’honneur du professeur Claude Sterckx, 2, Rennes: Tir, 2010. 711.
Blom, Alderik H., “The plant names in Marcellus’ ‘De medicamentis’”, Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 57 (2009–2010): 3–24.
Eska, Joseph F., and D. Ellis Evans, “Continental Celtic”, in: Martin J. Ball, and Nicole Müller (eds), The Celtic languages, 2nd ed., London, New York: Routledge, 2009. 28–54.
Blom, Alderik H., “Gaulish in the formulae of Marcellus of Bordeaux? Methodological considerations”, in: Stefan Zimmer (ed.), Kelten am Rhein: Akten des dreizehnten Internationalen Keltologiekongresses, 23. bis 27. Juli 2007 in Bonn, 2 vols, vol. 2: Philologie: Sprachen und Literaturen, Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2009. 13–24.
Blom, Alderik H., “lingua gallica, lingua celtica: Gaulish, Gallo-Latin, or Gallo-Romance?”, Keltische Forschungen 4 (2009): 7–54.
Prósper, Blanca María, “Some thoughts on the Gaulish result of Common Celtic -mn- in Galatian"”, Keltische Forschungen 3 (2008): 189–199.
Mees, Bernard, “Case and genre in Gaulish: from Mont Auxois to the Pont d'Ancy”, Journal of Celtic Linguistics 12 (November, 2008): 121–138.
abstract:
A close textual examination of case-marking and role in Gaulish suggests that the instrumental (and ablative) formants and functions inherited from Indo-European remained largely independent in use from those of the other oblique cases. Although a distinct morphological locative seems to have been given up at a prehistoric stage, the Gaulish of the Roman period appears to have preserved a much fuller and more synthetic system of grammatical case than did any of the medieval Celtic languages. The practice of projecting Insular Celtic behaviours onto Continental Celtic (or even cross-linguistic abstractions derived from broader linguistic theory) should not serve as a substitute for analysing Gaulish inscriptions from the perspective of interlingual intertextuality and of properly contextualized epigraphic genre. Gaulish should be understood principally as a closely historicized inscriptional language, its attested expressions constrained by typical ancient Mediterranean epigraphic pragmatics, yet representing an idiosyncratic development of Celtic linguistic tradition nonetheless.
Jørgensen, Anders Richardt, “Varia III: An additional cognate of Gaulish souxtu and Irish suacht: Old Cornish seit”, Ériu 58 (2008): 183–185.
Sims-Williams, Patrick, “Welsh Iâl, Gaulish names in Ial- and -ialo-, and the god Ialonus”, in: Patrick Sims-Williams (ed.), Studies on Celtic languages before the year 1000, Aberystwyth: CMCS Publications, 2007. 215–230.
Lambert, Pierre-Yves, and Georges-Jean Pinault (eds), Gaulois et celtique continental, Geneve: Droz, 2007.
Blom, Alderik H., “Gallisch in de middeleeuwen? Over het glossarium van Endlicher”, Madoc: Tijdschrift over de Middeleeuwen 20–21 (2006): 12–18.
: <link>
Delanoy, Arnaud, “Dédicaces gauloises sur céramique”, Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 55 (2006): 42–49.
Ó Maolalaigh, Roibeard, “A Gaulish-Gaelic correspondence: s(o)uxt- and suac(hd)an”, Ériu 55 (2005): 103–117.
Delamarre, Xavier, “Les noms du compagnon en gaulois”, Studia Celtica Fennica 2 — Essays in honour of Anders Ahlqvist (2005): 47–52.
SFKS – PDF: <link>
Meid, Wolfgang, and Peter Anreiter, Heilpflanzen und Heilsprüche. Zeugnisse gallischer Sprache bei Marcellus von Bordeaux. Linguistische und pharmakologische Aspekte, Studia Interdisciplinaria Ænipontana, 4, Vienna: Edition Praesens, 2005.
Sayers, William, “Sails in the North: further linguistic considerations”, The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 33 (2004): 348–350.
Degavre, Jean, Lexique gaulois: recueil de mots attestes, transmis ou restitues et de leurs interpretations, 3 vols, vol. 3: Supplément, Memoires de la Société belge d’études celtiques, 20, Brussels: Société belge d’études celtiques, 2004.
Koch, John T. [tr.], “Two Gaulish religious inscriptions: § 1. The Tablet of Chamalières”, in: John T. Koch, and John Carey (eds), The Celtic Heroic Age. Literary sources for ancient Celtic Europe and early Ireland & Wales, 4th ed., 1, Aberystwyth: Celtic Studies Publications, 2003. 1–3.
Sterckx, Claude, “Buthurigios, Buthumaros: a Galatian Zeus and a Gaulish Jupiter”, General Linguistics 40 (January, 2003/2000): 173–181.
Koch, John T. [tr.], “Two Gaulish religious inscriptions: § 2. The Tablet of Larzac”, in: John T. Koch, and John Carey (eds), The Celtic Heroic Age. Literary sources for ancient Celtic Europe and early Ireland & Wales, 4th ed., 1, Aberystwyth: Celtic Studies Publications, 2003. 3–4.
Lambert, Pierre-Yves, “Les inscriptions gallo-grecques parues depuis les Textes gallo-grecs de Michel Lejeune (1985)”, Études Celtiques 35 (2003): 169–179.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 35, 2003: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Bibliographie commentée des inscriptions gallo-grecques qui ont été publiées depuis la publication des Textes gallo-grecs (1985) par Michel Lejeune, au tome premier du Recueil des Inscriptions Gauloises.
[EN] A commented bibliography about Gallo-Greek inscriptions published since the Textes gallo-grecs (1985) of Michel Lejeune, which appeared as the first volume of Recueil des Inscriptions Gauloises.
[EN] A commented bibliography about Gallo-Greek inscriptions published since the Textes gallo-grecs (1985) of Michel Lejeune, which appeared as the first volume of Recueil des Inscriptions Gauloises.
Gendron, Stéphanie, Les noms des lieux en France: essai de toponymie, Paris: Éditions Errance, 2003. 319 pp.
Luján, Eugenio R., “Gaulish personal names: an update”, Études Celtiques 35 (2003): 181–247.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 35, 2003: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Gaulish Personal Names : une mise à jour.
Plus de quarante ans après la publication du livre de D. Ellis Evans, Gaulish Personal Names, l’auteur s’est donné pour tâche d’écrire un supplément à ce travail, principalement dans l’intention de compiler un index étymologique de tous les noms récemment découverts, soit à partir des nouvelles inscriptions (gauloises et celtibères), soit à partir de nouvelles lectures publiées dans les périodiques ou dans les nouveaux corpus.
[EN] More than forty years after the publication of D. Ellis Evans book, Gaulish Personal Names, the author endeavours to write a supplement to it, mainly with the intention to compile an etymological index to all newly discovered names, either from new inscriptions (Gaulish and Celtiberian), or from new readings published in the periodicals or in the new corpuses.
Plus de quarante ans après la publication du livre de D. Ellis Evans, Gaulish Personal Names, l’auteur s’est donné pour tâche d’écrire un supplément à ce travail, principalement dans l’intention de compiler un index étymologique de tous les noms récemment découverts, soit à partir des nouvelles inscriptions (gauloises et celtibères), soit à partir de nouvelles lectures publiées dans les périodiques ou dans les nouveaux corpus.
[EN] More than forty years after the publication of D. Ellis Evans book, Gaulish Personal Names, the author endeavours to write a supplement to it, mainly with the intention to compile an etymological index to all newly discovered names, either from new inscriptions (Gaulish and Celtiberian), or from new readings published in the periodicals or in the new corpuses.
