Bibliography
Inscriptions: general, various
Results (300)
Eska, Charlene M., and Joseph F. Eska, “Epigraphic and linguistic observations on the inscription at the so-called Mur d’Hannibal (Liddes, Valais)”, Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 69 (2022): 159–182.
abstract:
This paper argues that the inscription engraved in the Alphabet of Lugano in sinistrograde ductus at the so-called Mur d’Hannibal (Liddes, Valais, Switzerland) should be read as Poenino ❘ ieur{e}u ‘he dedicated to P.’ The first form is a thematic dative singular. The desinence may well be Latin, but a case is made that it could be a Celtic desinence that displays a regional phonological development. The fourth character of the second form is a reversed Roman open Я, well attested in Cisalpine and Transalpine Celtic epigraphy. This form also displays a token of dittography, a phenomenon attested elsewhere in the Continental Celtic epigraphic corpus
Stifter, David, Ogam: language, writing, epigraphy, AELAW, 10, Zaragoza: Prensas de la Universidad de Zaragoza, 2022.
Schmidt, Sophie, and Florian Thiery, “SPARQLing ogham stones: new options for analyzing analog editions by digitization in Wikidata”, in: Tara Andrews, Franziska Diehr, Thomas Efer, Andreas Kuczera, and Joris van Zundert (eds), Graph technologies in the humanities: proceedings 2020 (GRAPH 2020), Vienna, Austria, February 21-22, 2020, Online: CEUR-WS, 2022. 211–244. URL: <https://ceur-ws.org/Vol-3110/paper11.pdf>
Forsyth, Katherine, Deborah Hayden, Megan Kasten, David Stifter, and Nora White, OG[H]AM: harnessing digital technologies to transform understanding of ogham writing, from the 4th century to the 21st, Online: University of Glasgow, 2021–present. URL: <https://ogham.glasgow.ac.uk>
Website and blog for the research project OG[H]AM: harnessing digital technologies to transform understanding of ogham writing, from the 4th century to the 21st century (2021–2024). The team includes Katherine Forsyth and David Stifter (principal investigators), Deborah Hayden (co-investigator), Nora White and Megan Kasten (post-doctoral researchers), Luca Guarienti (digital officer) and Clara Scholz (student intern). The website features blogs by team members as well as guest blogs by other researchers, including Karen Murad and Chantal Kobel.
Scheungraber, Corinna, Altgermanische und altkeltische Theonyme: die epigraphische Evidenz aus der Kontaktzone: ein Handbuch zu ihrer Etymologie, Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft, 163, Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachen und Literaturen der Universität Innsbruck, 2020.
Rodway, Simon, “The ogham inscriptions of Scotland and Brittonic Pictish”, Journal of Celtic Linguistics 21 (2020): 173–234.
abstract:
In this paper, I examine the evidence brought forward by Katherine Forsyth in support of the hypothesis that the 'Pictish' ogham inscriptions of Scotland are linguistically Celtic. Having examined the five most promising inscriptions minutely, I conclude that they are in fact not Celtic, and that 'Celtic-looking' sequences in them are due to coincidence. Thus, the language of this corpus of inscriptions remains unknown.
Wooding, Jonathan M., “Remembering and forgetting holy men and their places: an inscription from Llanllŷr, Wales”, in: Jonathan M. Wooding, and Lynette Olson (eds), Prophecy, fate and memory in the early medieval Celtic world, Sydney: Sydney University Press, 2020. 52–75.
Keltische Götternamen in den Inschriften der römischen Provinz Germania Inferior, Online: Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, 2019–present. URL: <https://gams.uni-graz.at/context:fercan>
abstract:
This database provides an online-version of the edition of inscriptions forming part of the research project described below.
This data, being submitted in a number of stages, has not yet been completed. It is currently being presented as work in progress and therefore might still contain some inconsistencies. Suggestions for improvements and corrections are welcome.
This research project intends to collect and analyse all Celtic divine names that are preserved in Latin inscriptions of the Roman province Germania Inferior. These sources seem especially suitable as a basis for examining phenomena that emerge in religious contexts when different cultural influences collide. In this case, those influences are defined on the one hand by the use of the Celtic language, on the other hand by the Latin language and patterns from inside the Roman Empire that can be labelled as “Roman”. Our focus is not only on religious aspects but also on social issues and corresponding mentalities. A further aim is to contribute to a clearer overall picture of the provincial religion in Germania Inferior.
The first part of the project comprises a new edition of the relevant epigraphical sources, also considering the inscribed objects and their iconography. The second part analyses the sources edited this way.
The final publication complemented by a detailed linguistic commentary (by Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel) will appear in ‚Corpus - F.E.R.C.AN. (Fontes epigraphici religionum Celticarum antiquarum)‘.Sims-Williams, Patrick, “John Rhys and the Insular inscriptions”, Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 77 (2019): 47–64.
Falileyev, Alexander, “‘Professore Giovanni Rhys’ and some of his ‘Gleanings in the Italian field of Celtic epigraphy’”, Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 77 (2019): 97–110.
Poppe, Erich, “Writing systems and cultural identity: ogam in medieval and early modern Ireland”, Language and History 61:1–2 (2018): 23–38.
abstract:
Ogam is a writing system invented for the Irish language and originally used as a monument script in inscriptions on stone in Ireland and western Britain between the fifth (or late fourth) and the seventh centuries. Even though it was no longer used as a means of communication after the eighth century, it became an emblem of linguistic and cultural identity for medieval and early modern Irish scholars and poets because of its distinctive form, structure and letter names. The paper describes the characteristics of ogam as a script system and traces its place in medieval learned traditions about the origin and status of the Irish language and its alphabet, its use as a terminological tool for descriptions of Irish grammar and phonology, and its contribution to the construction of cultural memory and identity.
McKay, Helen, “Defining the systematic patterns for the triple marks of the Coligny calendar”, Études Celtiques 44 (2018): 91–118.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 44, 2018: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Définition des modèles organisés de signes triples du calendrier de ColignyLe calendrier de Coligny fut découvert il y a plus d’un siècle, au cours duquel les modèles complexes, interconnectés, des divers termes disposés au long de ses mois et années ont été dans une large mesure définis, à l’exception des signes triples qui jusqu’à maintenant n’ont été définis qu’en partie. Les modèles suivis par les signes triples seront ici définis de manière plus précise, ainsi que les interactions avec plusieurs notations, y compris le cas spécial du Jour 21, le cas anormal des triades placées à la fin d’une quinzaine, et le terme EXO. Avec la définition du modèle qui gouverne l’année, le modèle organisé qui sous-tend la distribution des signes triples peut maintenant être finalisé avec certitude, au lieu de compléter le calendrier en restituant les jours inconnus par assemblage.
[EN] It is now over a century since the Coligny calendar was discovered, during which time the intricate, complex and interrelating patterns of the various terms that are layered over its months and years have to a large degree been defined, one exception being the triple marks which have so far only been defined in part. Here the patterns followed by the triple marks are further defined, along with the mark’s interactions with several related notations, including the special treatment of Day 21, the anomalous treatment of triplets that run over the end of a fortnight, and the EXO term. With the definition of the pattern that governs the years, the systematic pattern underlying the distribution of the triple marks can now be finalised with certainty, rather than filling in unknown days through conflation.
[EN] It is now over a century since the Coligny calendar was discovered, during which time the intricate, complex and interrelating patterns of the various terms that are layered over its months and years have to a large degree been defined, one exception being the triple marks which have so far only been defined in part. Here the patterns followed by the triple marks are further defined, along with the mark’s interactions with several related notations, including the special treatment of Day 21, the anomalous treatment of triplets that run over the end of a fortnight, and the EXO term. With the definition of the pattern that governs the years, the systematic pattern underlying the distribution of the triple marks can now be finalised with certainty, rather than filling in unknown days through conflation.
Dupraz, Emmanuel, “Bemerkungen über die altkeltischen Fluchrituale: zum Blei von Chartres und einem lateinischen Fluchtäfelchen mit Formeln keltischen Ursprungs”, Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 65 (2018): 83–122.
abstract:
This paper deals with the Gaulish defixio from Chartres and more generally with the Celtic tradition of malediction rituals in Antiquity, as documented by the defixiones from Chartres, Larzac and Chamalières and by contact features in Latin defixiones from the Celtic speaking provinces. It is argued that this tradition, as opposed to the Latin one, systematically advocated that the malediction ritual was performed as a defensive measure against a former malediction by the cursed persons. The same lexemes are used to refer to the cursed persons and to the performer of the cursing ritual: this stylistic device emphasises that the defixio is to be regarded as a counter-malediction.
Mikhailova, Tatyana A., “Geneta Viscara: the element caro- in Gaulish compound names and inscriptions”, in: Raimund Karl, and Katharina Möller (eds), Proceedings of the second European Symposium in Celtic Studies: held at Prifysgol Bangor University from July 31st to August 3rd 2017, Hagen/Westfalen: curach bhán, 2018. 71–86.
Luján, Eugenio R., and Alberto J. Lorrio, “Un puñal celtibérico con inscripción procedente de Almaraz (Cáceres, España)”, Études Celtiques 43 (2017): 113–126.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 43, 2017: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Un poignard celtibère avec inscription provenant d’Almaraz (Cáceres, Espagne).Cet article constitue la première publication d’un poignard celtibère provenant très probablement de la localité d’Almaraz (province de Cáceres, Espagne). Typologiquement, il appartient à l’une des variantes les plus caractéristiques du modèle bidiscoïdal, celui à poignée à arêtes, dont on connaît un bon nombre d’exemplaires datant pour la plupart de la fin du IIer siècle et du Ier siècle av. J.-C. Du fait qu’il provient certainement de la fouille clandestine d’une nécropole qui a fourni par ailleurs des matériaux tardo-républicains, on peut penser à une datation aux alentours du premier quart du Ier siècle av. J.-C. La poignée comporte une inscription gravée sur la garde, qui s’étend sur toute la largeur de la pièce, en langue et écriture celtibères, plus précisément dans la variante orientale de cette écriture. Elle est composée de deux mots, qui n’étaient pas attestés auparavant : le nom de personne loukiakinos, qui est dérivé d’une base onomastique bien connue en celtibère, et abe, qui semblerait être un emprunt à la formule de salutation latine aue.
[EN] A Celtiberian inscribed dagger from Almaraz (Cáceres, Espagne).This is the first edition of a Celtiberian dagger that must probably come from Almaraz, in the Spanish province of Cáceres. Typologically, it can be classified into one of the most characteristic variants of the bi-discoidal model, the edge-hilt one. A certain number of daggers of this type are known to date and most of them go back to the end of the 2nd century or the 1st century BC. The dagger must have been found in illegal excavations at a necropolis that has provided a variety of materials of the late-Republican period, which allows to date it around the first quarter of the 1st century BC. An inscription has been carved on the guard and runs across its whole width. The inscription is in Celtiberian language and script, specifically in the Western variant of this script. It consists of two words that were not previously attested. The first one is the personal name loukiakinos, derived from a well-known Celtiberian onomastic stem. The second one is abe, which must probably be a loanword from Latin aue.
[EN] A Celtiberian inscribed dagger from Almaraz (Cáceres, Espagne).This is the first edition of a Celtiberian dagger that must probably come from Almaraz, in the Spanish province of Cáceres. Typologically, it can be classified into one of the most characteristic variants of the bi-discoidal model, the edge-hilt one. A certain number of daggers of this type are known to date and most of them go back to the end of the 2nd century or the 1st century BC. The dagger must have been found in illegal excavations at a necropolis that has provided a variety of materials of the late-Republican period, which allows to date it around the first quarter of the 1st century BC. An inscription has been carved on the guard and runs across its whole width. The inscription is in Celtiberian language and script, specifically in the Western variant of this script. It consists of two words that were not previously attested. The first one is the personal name loukiakinos, derived from a well-known Celtiberian onomastic stem. The second one is abe, which must probably be a loanword from Latin aue.
Koch, John T., and Fernando Fernández Palacios, “Some epigraphic comparanda bearing on the ‘pan-Celtic god’ Lugus”, in: Ralph Haeussler, and Anthony C. King (eds), Celtic religions in the Roman period: personal, local, and global, 20, Aberystwyth: Celtic Studies Publications, 2017. 37–56.
Lambert, Pierre-Yves, Guy Alfonso, and Alain Wittmann, “Fragments d’une inscription sur céramique découverts à Lezoux (Puy-de-Dôme)”, Études Celtiques 43 (2017): 127–141.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 43, 2017: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Les fragments ont été découverts en 2015 dans une fouille préventive, dans l’un des quartiers gallo-romains de Lezoux dédiés à la production de poterie : le quartier «de la route de Maringues» . Ce sont cinq tessons formant deux groupes de fragments jointifs, appartenant à la forme Dragendorff 37. Bien que trouvés en deux endroits distincts, ils appartiennent à la même coupe. L’écriture est proche de celle du «Plat de Lezoux» (L-70) qui avait été trouvé dans une parcelle voisine.L’analyse linguistique fait apparaître la récurrence de finales fléchies (-in, -tionin). La forme abro pourrait être un verbe signifiant «donner» ; il s’agirait donc d’un texte de donation. On note la possibilité d’interpréter nededin comme la «possession» , et appissu comme un correspondant du latin acquiro.
[EN] Fragments of an inscribed earthware found in Lezoux (Puy-de-Dôme).The fragments were found in a preventive excavation, in one of the Gallo-Roman areas of Lezoux dedicated to the production of pottery : the area “of Maringues road”. These are five sherds, matching one another into two groups, and belonging to the Dragendorff 37 type. Although found in two different places, they belong to one and the same bowl. The writing resembles that of “Plat de Lezoux” (L-70), which was found in a near-by field. The linguistic analysis shows a recurrence of inflected endings (-in, -tionin). The word abro could be a verb meaning “to give”, indicating then that this text tells of a donation. It would be possible to interpret nededin as the «possession» , and appissu as a cognate of Latin acquiro.
[EN] Fragments of an inscribed earthware found in Lezoux (Puy-de-Dôme).The fragments were found in a preventive excavation, in one of the Gallo-Roman areas of Lezoux dedicated to the production of pottery : the area “of Maringues road”. These are five sherds, matching one another into two groups, and belonging to the Dragendorff 37 type. Although found in two different places, they belong to one and the same bowl. The writing resembles that of “Plat de Lezoux” (L-70), which was found in a near-by field. The linguistic analysis shows a recurrence of inflected endings (-in, -tionin). The word abro could be a verb meaning “to give”, indicating then that this text tells of a donation. It would be possible to interpret nededin as the «possession» , and appissu as a cognate of Latin acquiro.
White, Nora, “Ogham stones from a souterrain in Rathkenny, County Kerry”, Celtica 28 (2016): 208–216.
McKay, Helen, “The Coligny calendar as a Metonic lunar calendar”, Études Celtiques 42 (2016): 95–121.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 42, 2016: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Le caractère lunaire et métonique du calendrier de ColignyDans cet article, l’auteur analyse comment les mois du calendrier de Coligny suivent de très près les lunaisons pendant les 62 mois des 5 années figurant sur la plaque de bronze, et, ce faisant, met en évidence la précision extraordinaire, au jour près, à chaque «extrémité» de la lunaison moyenne. Cela signifie que chaque mois du calendrier lunaire commence toujours au même point de la phase de la lune, et que ce calendrier peut rester synchronisé avec la lune indéfiniment. La forme globale du calendrier est déterminée ensuite par l’attribution de 29 jours au premier mois intercalaire, ce qui fait du calendrier un calendrier métonique tout au long de 4 cycles successifs de 5 ans ; cela montre aussi que, dans cet ensemble de 5 années, nous avons une partie complète, la seule nécessaire, du calendrier entier. Ce calendrier métonique pouvait aussi être intégré à une période de 30 ans, constituée de 6 cycles successifs de 5 ans, sans qu’il soit nécessaire de redéfinir le cycle de 5 ans.
[EN] This paper examines how closely the lunar calendar months of the Coligny calendar track the individual lunations over the 62 months of the 5-year bronze plaque, and in doing so, discovers an extraordinary precision to within a day either side of the average lunation. This means that each calendar month always starts at the same point in the lunar phase and the calendar can remain in sync with the moon indefinitely. The question of the overall shape of the calendar is further defined by assigning 29 days to Intercalary One, which then shows the calendar to be a Metonic calendar through four successive cycles of the 5-year base, and that in the one 5-year plaque we have the complete and only needed part of the entire calendar. This Metonic calendar could also be embedded as part of a larger 30-year age of 6 successive cycles of the 5-year base, again without the necessity of re-shaping the 5-year base cycle.
[EN] This paper examines how closely the lunar calendar months of the Coligny calendar track the individual lunations over the 62 months of the 5-year bronze plaque, and in doing so, discovers an extraordinary precision to within a day either side of the average lunation. This means that each calendar month always starts at the same point in the lunar phase and the calendar can remain in sync with the moon indefinitely. The question of the overall shape of the calendar is further defined by assigning 29 days to Intercalary One, which then shows the calendar to be a Metonic calendar through four successive cycles of the 5-year base, and that in the one 5-year plaque we have the complete and only needed part of the entire calendar. This Metonic calendar could also be embedded as part of a larger 30-year age of 6 successive cycles of the 5-year base, again without the necessity of re-shaping the 5-year base cycle.
Stansbury, Mark [proj. dir.], and David Kelly [proj. dir.], Earlier Latin manuscripts: tools for studying the scripts of the oldest Latin manuscripts, Online: Department of Classics and Moore Institute, NUI Galway, 2016–. URL: <https://elmss.nuigalway.ie/>
abstract:
The Earlier Latin Manuscripts Project is a database of manuscripts written in Latin before the year 800 based on the work of E. A. Lowe and his assistants published in Codices Latini Antiquiores. The work for this project was conducted in the Department of Classics and the Moore Institute of the National University of Ireland Galway. Funding for its completion was contributed by both the Moore Institute and the School of Languages, Literatures, and Cultures. [...] Data from the database can be accessed in 3 ways, each subject to the license above: # Via the web front-end, accessible using the menu above; # By downloading a .csv file containing some or all of the data. This option is presented at the top of the catalogue page where you can filter and refine the data you would like to download; # By accessing the data via a JSON API (Application Programming Interface). Documentation on accessing data using this method is provided in the Technical Overview Section.
(source: website (November 2016))
Jordán Cólera, Carlos, “La valeur du s diacrité dans les inscriptions celtibères en alphabet latin”, Études Celtiques 41 (2015): 75–94.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 41, 2015: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Sur le bronze celtibère de Novallas, écrit en alphabet latin, on trouve une particularité graphique : un s marqué d’un trait souscrit, pour lequel on a choisi une transcription ś. Cette graphie apparaît également dans deux autres inscriptions, à Peñalba de Villastar (Teruel). Elle est cependant passée inaperçue jusqu’à présent. À Novallas, ś apparaît uniquement en position de finale absolue après voyelle ([---] ṮICAŚ·TERGAŚ, VAMVŚ). L’auteur propose pour ś une valeur phonétique [θ]<*-d. À Peñalba, il apparaît en position finale absolue après voyelle (TRECAIAŚ) et entre voyelles (ENIOROŚEI). L’auteur pense que ś est utilisé ici comme le sigma de l’écriture paléohispanique. Sa valeur phonétique en position finale serait également [θ]<*-d. Entre voyelles, il pourrait avoir des valeurs différentes (fricative ou affriquée sonore/ sourde) selon l’étymologie. Dans cette position, l’auteur préfère la valeur [ð]<*voyelle-d-voyelle.
[EN] On the value of marked s in the Celtiberian inscriptions in Latin alphabet.A striking epigraphic particularity has recently been found in the bronze of Novallas (Zaragoza), written in Celtiberian language and Latin alphabet : the s with a lower stroke, which the author transcribes as Ś. This character also appears in two inscriptions of Peñalba de Villastar (Teruel), but it had gone unnoticed. In Novallas, Ś is attested only in absolute final position after a vowel ([---]ṮICAŚ·TERGAŚ, VAMVŚ). There, the most likely phonetic value is [θ]<*-d. In Peñalba, apart from appearing in absolute final position after a vowel (TRECAIAŚ), it was used also in intervocalic position (ENIOROŚEI). The author thinks that Ś is used here as the sigma in the Paleohispanic writing. Although the phonetic value in final position would also be [θ]<*-d, it could have different values between vowels (fricative or affricate voiced/ unvoiced), depending on the etymology. In these cases, it would rather be [ð]<*vowel-d-vowel.
[EN] On the value of marked s in the Celtiberian inscriptions in Latin alphabet.A striking epigraphic particularity has recently been found in the bronze of Novallas (Zaragoza), written in Celtiberian language and Latin alphabet : the s with a lower stroke, which the author transcribes as Ś. This character also appears in two inscriptions of Peñalba de Villastar (Teruel), but it had gone unnoticed. In Novallas, Ś is attested only in absolute final position after a vowel ([---]ṮICAŚ·TERGAŚ, VAMVŚ). There, the most likely phonetic value is [θ]<*-d. In Peñalba, apart from appearing in absolute final position after a vowel (TRECAIAŚ), it was used also in intervocalic position (ENIOROŚEI). The author thinks that Ś is used here as the sigma in the Paleohispanic writing. Although the phonetic value in final position would also be [θ]<*-d, it could have different values between vowels (fricative or affricate voiced/ unvoiced), depending on the etymology. In these cases, it would rather be [ð]<*vowel-d-vowel.
Koch, John T., “Some Palaeohispanic implications of the Gaulish inscription of Rezé (Ratiatum)”, in: Guillaume Oudaer, Gaël Hily, and Hervé Le Bihan (eds), Mélanges en l’honneur de Pierre-Yves Lambert, Rennes: TIR, 2015. 333–345.
Estarán Tolosa, Mariá José, “Kuitoi Lekatos. Une nouvelle lecture de la pierre de San Bernardino di Briona (Novara)”, Études Celtiques 41 (2015): 95–109.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 41, 2015: <link>
abstract:
[FR] L’inscription gauloise de San Bernardino di Briona (Novare) est souvent citée pour illustrer les premiers stades de la romanisation de la Gaule cisalpine. Les épigraphistes ont eu tendance à considérer que cette inscription contenait une liste de noms propres, parmi lesquels se trouvait un praenomen romain appartenant à un legatus local, ce qui est un phénomène extrêmement rare. L’idée a été développée que ce kuitos lekatos aurait reçu ce titre honorifique pour services rendus à Rome. Cet article réévalue la notion de legatus dans le contexte historique de l’inscription et propose une nouvelle lecture du texte, fondée sur une autopsie. D’une part, la lecture traditionnelle en est considérablement transformée ; d’autre part, il apparaît qu’il n’y a pas de lien syntaxique entre le nom propre et le titre présumé.
[EN] Kuitoi Lekatos. A new reading of the inscription of San Bernardino di Briona (Novara). The Gaulish inscription from San Bernardino di Briona (Novara) is often mentioned in order to illustrate the first steps of Romanisation in Cisalpine Gaul. Epigraphical scholarship has tended to consider that this inscription contains a list of nouns among which there is a Roman praenomen, belonging to a local legatus, which is an extremely rare phenomenon. It is argued that this kuitos lekatos received this honorific title for having provided services to Rome. This paper discusses the concept of legatus in the historical context of the inscription and proposes a new reading of the text, based on an autopsy, which changes substantially the traditional one and shows that there is not any syntactical link between the name and the presumed position.
[EN] Kuitoi Lekatos. A new reading of the inscription of San Bernardino di Briona (Novara). The Gaulish inscription from San Bernardino di Briona (Novara) is often mentioned in order to illustrate the first steps of Romanisation in Cisalpine Gaul. Epigraphical scholarship has tended to consider that this inscription contains a list of nouns among which there is a Roman praenomen, belonging to a local legatus, which is an extremely rare phenomenon. It is argued that this kuitos lekatos received this honorific title for having provided services to Rome. This paper discusses the concept of legatus in the historical context of the inscription and proposes a new reading of the text, based on an autopsy, which changes substantially the traditional one and shows that there is not any syntactical link between the name and the presumed position.
Poccetti, Paolo, “L’inscription bilingue gallo-latine de Todi et les enjeux de la traduction”, in: Guillaume Oudaer, Gaël Hily, and Hervé Le Bihan (eds), Mélanges en l’honneur de Pierre-Yves Lambert, Rennes: TIR, 2015. 387–403.
Ruiz Darasse, Coline, “Les noms celtiques dans les inscriptions ibères d’Azaila (Cabezo de Alcalá, Saragosse, Espagne)”, in: Guillaume Oudaer, Gaël Hily, and Hervé Le Bihan (eds), Mélanges en l’honneur de Pierre-Yves Lambert, Rennes: TIR, 2015. 237–247.
Simón Cornago, Ignacio, “Note de lecture sur une brève inscription de Botorrita (Contrebia Belaisca)”, Études Celtiques 41 (2015): 59–74.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 41, 2015: <link>
abstract:
[FR] On se propose dans cet article de reprendre la lecture d’une inscription trouvée à Contrebia Belaisca, incisée sur un petit cône d’albâtre (AE, 1989, no 470). Cette nouvelle lecture permet d’affirmer qu’il s’agit, selon toute probabilité, d’un texte écrit en alphabet latin mais en langue celtibère.
[EN] A note on a concise inscription from Botorrita (Contrebia Belaisca).We propose in this article to revisit the reading of an inscription found in Contrebia Belaisca, engraved on a small conic piece of alabaster (AE, 1989, no 470). This new reading would allow to say that this is, according to all probability, written with Latin letters but in the Celtiberian language.
[EN] A note on a concise inscription from Botorrita (Contrebia Belaisca).We propose in this article to revisit the reading of an inscription found in Contrebia Belaisca, engraved on a small conic piece of alabaster (AE, 1989, no 470). This new reading would allow to say that this is, according to all probability, written with Latin letters but in the Celtiberian language.
Luján, Eugenio R., “La inscripción ‘celtibérica’ del Cerro do Bambola (Calatayud)”, in: Guillaume Oudaer, Gaël Hily, and Hervé Le Bihan (eds), Mélanges en l’honneur de Pierre-Yves Lambert, Rennes: TIR, 2015. 299–311.
White, Nora, “Ogham in 3D: digitizing a unique aspect of Ireland’s cultural heritage”, Breac: A Digital Journal of Irish Studies 3 (2015). URL: <http://breac.nd.edu/articles/61526-ogham-in-3d-digitizing-a-unique-aspect-of-irelands-cultural-heritage>
Lajoye, Patrice, and Claude Lemaître, “Une inscription votive à Toutatis découverte à Jort (Calvados, France)”, Études Celtiques 40 (2014): 21–28.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 40, 2014: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Bien que très largement connu du grand public, Toutatis n’est finalement que peu attesté par l’épigraphie. Un stylet en bronze portant une dédicace à ce dieu, découvert il y a déjà longtemps à Jort (Calvados), était cependant resté inédit. Nous en proposons ici la publication avec quelques brefs commentaires.
[EN] A votive inscription found in Jort (Calvados, France).Although widely known to the public, Toutatis is ultimately poorly attested by epigraphy. A bronze stylus with a dedication to the god, although discovered a long time ago at Jort (Calvados), had nevertheless remained unpublished. We offer here its publication with some brief comments.
[EN] A votive inscription found in Jort (Calvados, France).Although widely known to the public, Toutatis is ultimately poorly attested by epigraphy. A bronze stylus with a dedication to the god, although discovered a long time ago at Jort (Calvados), had nevertheless remained unpublished. We offer here its publication with some brief comments.
Ligt, Luuk de, “Ambipositions in the funerary inscription from Novilara”, Ollodagos: actes de la Société Belge d'Études Celtiques 30 (2014): 97–141.
Lambert, Pierre-Yves, “Inscriptions gallo-romaines”, Études Celtiques 40 (2014): 29–34.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 40, 2014: <link>
abstract:
[FR] 1. Fibule inscrite «AVE ADIANTO», provenant de Saint-Germain (Aube) : cette inscription sur fibule en forme de semelle se présente dans le même bilinguisme que la formule «AVE VIMPI». Adianto est sans doute un vocatif singulier du thème ad-iantu- «l’être aimé». 2. Graffite sur céramique «ANDAMORIX», provenant de La Saulsotte (Aube) : ce nom de personne signifie «le roi des Enfers» et doit avoir une origine théonymique.
[EN] Gallo-Roman Inscriptions.1. A fibula inscribed with «AVE ADIANTO», from Saint-Germain (Aube) : this inscription on a fibula with the shape of a sole presents the same bilingualism as the formula «AVE VIMPI». Adianto is probably a vocative singular of ad-iantu- «darling». 2. Graffito on a sherd «ANDAMORIX», from La Saulsotte (Aube) : this Personal Name means «the king of Hell» and must have a theonymic origin.
[EN] Gallo-Roman Inscriptions.1. A fibula inscribed with «AVE ADIANTO», from Saint-Germain (Aube) : this inscription on a fibula with the shape of a sole presents the same bilingualism as the formula «AVE VIMPI». Adianto is probably a vocative singular of ad-iantu- «darling». 2. Graffito on a sherd «ANDAMORIX», from La Saulsotte (Aube) : this Personal Name means «the king of Hell» and must have a theonymic origin.
Koch, John T., “On the debate over the classification of the language of the South-western (SW) inscriptions, also known as Tartessian”, Journal of Indo-European Studies 42:3–4 (2014): 335–427.
Balmelle, Agnès, Bastien Dubuis, and Pierre-Yves Lambert, “Inscription sur tige de plomb trouvée à Reims”, Études Celtiques 40 (2014): 35–40.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 40, 2014: <link>
abstract:
[FR] La présentation archéologique de l’objet précise qu’il a été trouvé à Reims, boulevard de la Paix, en 2001, à l’arrière d’une enceinte gauloise, à proximité d’habitations du Ier siècle apr. J.-C. C’est une tige de plomb qui a été fondue sous cette forme, peut-être pour les ateliers de métallurgistes. Les deux noms inscrits sur la tige (GNATOS TASGEDO) sont l’équivalent d’une marque de fabrique. Cependant, ces deux noms renvoient probablement à deux personnes différentes, car l’un a une désinence gauloise et l’autre, une désinence latine.
[EN] Inscription on a lead rod found in Reims.The archaeological description of the find informs us that it was found in Reims, boulevard de la Paix, in 2001, behind a Gaulish wall, near dwellings of the Ist century AD. This lead rod has been cast under this form, possibly for the use of metal workers. The two names inscribed on the rod (GNATOS TASGEDO) are equivalent to a trade mark. These two names however probably refer to two different persons, for one has a Gaulish ending and the other, a Latin one.
[EN] Inscription on a lead rod found in Reims.The archaeological description of the find informs us that it was found in Reims, boulevard de la Paix, in 2001, behind a Gaulish wall, near dwellings of the Ist century AD. This lead rod has been cast under this form, possibly for the use of metal workers. The two names inscribed on the rod (GNATOS TASGEDO) are equivalent to a trade mark. These two names however probably refer to two different persons, for one has a Gaulish ending and the other, a Latin one.
White, Nora [principal investigator], Ogham in 3D Project, Online: School of Celtic Studies, DIAS, 2013–present. URL: <https://ogham.celt.dias.ie>
Alves-Dias, Maria Manuela, and Catarina Gaspar, “Celtic theonyms as an individual option in Portuguese Lusitania”, in: Wolfgang Spickermann (ed.), Keltische Götternamen als individuelle Option? = Celtic theonyms as an individual option?: Akten des 11. Internationalen Workshops ‘Fontes Epigraphici Religionum Celticarum Antiquarum’ vom 19.–21. Mai 2011 an der Universität Erfurt, 19, Rahden/Westfalen: Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH, 2013. 158–164.
Moffat, Kaaren, “The ‘grammar of legibility’: word separation in ogam inscriptions”, Peritia 22–23 (2011-2012, 2013): 281–294.
abstract:
The principles of Saenger and Parkes on the analysis of word spacing in Insular manuscripts are here applied to the Irish ogam corpus. Differences in the adoption of aerated text between that corpus and the Anglo-Saxon epigraphic corpus are examined and the reasons for these differences are explored. Finally, the dating of the adoption of aerated text in both Insular manuscripts and the ogam corpus is compared.
Sergent, Bernard, “Les dieux celtiques et les autres dieux indo-européens”, in: Wolfgang Spickermann (ed.), Keltische Götternamen als individuelle Option? = Celtic theonyms as an individual option?: Akten des 11. Internationalen Workshops ‘Fontes Epigraphici Religionum Celticarum Antiquarum’ vom 19.–21. Mai 2011 an der Universität Erfurt, 19, Rahden/Westfalen: Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH, 2013. 39–47.
Charles-Edwards, T. M., “3. Inscriptions”, in: T. M. Charles-Edwards, Wales and the Britons, 350–1064, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. 116–173.
Petrović, Vladimir, “L’inscription dédiée au Mars Campester de Timacum Minus (Provincia Moesia Superior)”, in: Wolfgang Spickermann (ed.), Keltische Götternamen als individuelle Option? = Celtic theonyms as an individual option?: Akten des 11. Internationalen Workshops ‘Fontes Epigraphici Religionum Celticarum Antiquarum’ vom 19.–21. Mai 2011 an der Universität Erfurt, 19, Rahden/Westfalen: Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH, 2013. 265–269.
Gorrochategui, Joaquín, “Révisions épigraphiques du corpus des dédicaces votives de la province d’Aquitania”, in: Andreas Hofeneder, and Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel (eds), Théonymie celtique, cultes, interpretatio = Keltische Theonymie, Kulte, interpretatio: X. workshop F.E.R.C.AN., Paris 24.–26.Mai 2010, 79, Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2013. 25–44. URL: <http://www.oapen.org/search?identifier=451552>
Charles-Edwards, T. M., “13. The Britons and their neighbours under the Mercian hegemony, 685–825”, in: T. M. Charles-Edwards, Wales and the Britons, 350–1064, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. 411–436.
Beltrán Lloris, Francisco, “Almost an oxymoron: Celtic gods and Paleohispanic epigraphy. Inscriptions, sanctuaries and monumentalisation in Celtic Hispania”, in: Wolfgang Spickermann (ed.), Keltische Götternamen als individuelle Option? = Celtic theonyms as an individual option?: Akten des 11. Internationalen Workshops ‘Fontes Epigraphici Religionum Celticarum Antiquarum’ vom 19.–21. Mai 2011 an der Universität Erfurt, 19, Rahden/Westfalen: Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH, 2013. 165–184.
Mathieu, Nicolas, “Les noms en -smer- dans l’épigraphie (Rosmerta exclue): des hommes et des dieux”, in: Wolfgang Spickermann (ed.), Keltische Götternamen als individuelle Option? = Celtic theonyms as an individual option?: Akten des 11. Internationalen Workshops ‘Fontes Epigraphici Religionum Celticarum Antiquarum’ vom 19.–21. Mai 2011 an der Universität Erfurt, 19, Rahden/Westfalen: Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH, 2013. 49–68.
Unterberger, Gerald, “‘Taureau tricornu’: der keltische Dreihorn-Stier und der Ursprung des Dreihorn-Motivs”, in: Wolfgang Spickermann (ed.), Keltische Götternamen als individuelle Option? = Celtic theonyms as an individual option?: Akten des 11. Internationalen Workshops ‘Fontes Epigraphici Religionum Celticarum Antiquarum’ vom 19.–21. Mai 2011 an der Universität Erfurt, 19, Rahden/Westfalen: Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH, 2013. 272–299.
Edwards, Nancy, A corpus of early medieval inscribed stones and stone sculpture in Wales, vol. 3: North Wales, Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2013.
Lajoye, Patrice, “L’épigraphie religieuse mentionnant des théonymes ou des épithètes indigènes en Lyonnaise seconde: un état des lieux”, in: Andreas Hofeneder, and Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel (eds), Théonymie celtique, cultes, interpretatio = Keltische Theonymie, Kulte, interpretatio: X. workshop F.E.R.C.AN., Paris 24.–26.Mai 2010, 79, Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2013. 45–49. URL: <http://www.oapen.org/search?identifier=451552>
Rémy, Bernard, “Baginus, les déesses Baginatiae et les déesses mères Baginienses chez les Voconces, Jupiter Baginas dans la cité de Vienne”, in: Wolfgang Spickermann (ed.), Keltische Götternamen als individuelle Option? = Celtic theonyms as an individual option?: Akten des 11. Internationalen Workshops ‘Fontes Epigraphici Religionum Celticarum Antiquarum’ vom 19.–21. Mai 2011 an der Universität Erfurt, 19, Rahden/Westfalen: Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH, 2013. 213–221.
Lambert, Pierre-Yves, “Sur les noms de dieux tirés de toponymes (Alisanos, etc.)”, in: Wolfgang Spickermann (ed.), Keltische Götternamen als individuelle Option? = Celtic theonyms as an individual option?: Akten des 11. Internationalen Workshops ‘Fontes Epigraphici Religionum Celticarum Antiquarum’ vom 19.–21. Mai 2011 an der Universität Erfurt, 19, Rahden/Westfalen: Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH, 2013. 69–76.
Repanšek, Luka, “The inscription from Chartres”, Études Celtiques 39 (2013): 181–192.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 39, 2013: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Luka Repanšek a travaillé à partir d’une lecture indépendante de l’inscription et propose des lectures alternatives, ainsi qu’une autre analyse des formules onomastiques. Ses conclusions rejoignent celles d’autres collègues concernant «Cornuti Toutisa » , et «u(id…) i felicx » . Duti(os) est considéré comme complément de adgarios. Contextu serait un nom de la protection. L’auteur propose aussi un essai de traduction.
[EN] Luka Repanšek has worked on the basis of an independent decypherment of the inscriptions, and he proposes alternative readings, and another analysis of the onomastic formulae ; his conclusions are similar to those of other colleagues concerning the groups «Cornuti Toutisa» , and «u(id…) i felicx» . Duti(os) is considered as a complement to adgarios. Contextu would be a noun meaning «protection» . The author also proposes a tentative translation.
[EN] Luka Repanšek has worked on the basis of an independent decypherment of the inscriptions, and he proposes alternative readings, and another analysis of the onomastic formulae ; his conclusions are similar to those of other colleagues concerning the groups «Cornuti Toutisa» , and «u(id…) i felicx» . Duti(os) is considered as a complement to adgarios. Contextu would be a noun meaning «protection» . The author also proposes a tentative translation.
de Hoz Bravo, Javier, “A Celtiberian inscription from the Rainer Daehnhardt collection and the problem of the Celtiberian genitive plural”, in: Juan Luis García Alonso (ed.), Continental Celtic word formation: the onomastic data, 197, Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2013. 51–62.
