Bibliography
Gaulish inscriptions
Results (63)
Dupraz, Emmanuel, “Bemerkungen über die altkeltischen Fluchrituale: zum Blei von Chartres und einem lateinischen Fluchtäfelchen mit Formeln keltischen Ursprungs”, Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 65 (2018): 83–122.
abstract:
This paper deals with the Gaulish defixio from Chartres and more generally with the Celtic tradition of malediction rituals in Antiquity, as documented by the defixiones from Chartres, Larzac and Chamalières and by contact features in Latin defixiones from the Celtic speaking provinces. It is argued that this tradition, as opposed to the Latin one, systematically advocated that the malediction ritual was performed as a defensive measure against a former malediction by the cursed persons. The same lexemes are used to refer to the cursed persons and to the performer of the cursing ritual: this stylistic device emphasises that the defixio is to be regarded as a counter-malediction.
Mikhailova, Tatyana A., “Geneta Viscara: the element caro- in Gaulish compound names and inscriptions”, in: Raimund Karl, and Katharina Möller (eds), Proceedings of the second European Symposium in Celtic Studies: held at Prifysgol Bangor University from July 31st to August 3rd 2017, Hagen/Westfalen: curach bhán, 2018. 71–86.
McKay, Helen, “Defining the systematic patterns for the triple marks of the Coligny calendar”, Études Celtiques 44 (2018): 91–118.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 44, 2018: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Définition des modèles organisés de signes triples du calendrier de ColignyLe calendrier de Coligny fut découvert il y a plus d’un siècle, au cours duquel les modèles complexes, interconnectés, des divers termes disposés au long de ses mois et années ont été dans une large mesure définis, à l’exception des signes triples qui jusqu’à maintenant n’ont été définis qu’en partie. Les modèles suivis par les signes triples seront ici définis de manière plus précise, ainsi que les interactions avec plusieurs notations, y compris le cas spécial du Jour 21, le cas anormal des triades placées à la fin d’une quinzaine, et le terme EXO. Avec la définition du modèle qui gouverne l’année, le modèle organisé qui sous-tend la distribution des signes triples peut maintenant être finalisé avec certitude, au lieu de compléter le calendrier en restituant les jours inconnus par assemblage.
[EN] It is now over a century since the Coligny calendar was discovered, during which time the intricate, complex and interrelating patterns of the various terms that are layered over its months and years have to a large degree been defined, one exception being the triple marks which have so far only been defined in part. Here the patterns followed by the triple marks are further defined, along with the mark’s interactions with several related notations, including the special treatment of Day 21, the anomalous treatment of triplets that run over the end of a fortnight, and the EXO term. With the definition of the pattern that governs the years, the systematic pattern underlying the distribution of the triple marks can now be finalised with certainty, rather than filling in unknown days through conflation.
[EN] It is now over a century since the Coligny calendar was discovered, during which time the intricate, complex and interrelating patterns of the various terms that are layered over its months and years have to a large degree been defined, one exception being the triple marks which have so far only been defined in part. Here the patterns followed by the triple marks are further defined, along with the mark’s interactions with several related notations, including the special treatment of Day 21, the anomalous treatment of triplets that run over the end of a fortnight, and the EXO term. With the definition of the pattern that governs the years, the systematic pattern underlying the distribution of the triple marks can now be finalised with certainty, rather than filling in unknown days through conflation.
McKay, Helen, “The Coligny calendar as a Metonic lunar calendar”, Études Celtiques 42 (2016): 95–121.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 42, 2016: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Le caractère lunaire et métonique du calendrier de ColignyDans cet article, l’auteur analyse comment les mois du calendrier de Coligny suivent de très près les lunaisons pendant les 62 mois des 5 années figurant sur la plaque de bronze, et, ce faisant, met en évidence la précision extraordinaire, au jour près, à chaque «extrémité» de la lunaison moyenne. Cela signifie que chaque mois du calendrier lunaire commence toujours au même point de la phase de la lune, et que ce calendrier peut rester synchronisé avec la lune indéfiniment. La forme globale du calendrier est déterminée ensuite par l’attribution de 29 jours au premier mois intercalaire, ce qui fait du calendrier un calendrier métonique tout au long de 4 cycles successifs de 5 ans ; cela montre aussi que, dans cet ensemble de 5 années, nous avons une partie complète, la seule nécessaire, du calendrier entier. Ce calendrier métonique pouvait aussi être intégré à une période de 30 ans, constituée de 6 cycles successifs de 5 ans, sans qu’il soit nécessaire de redéfinir le cycle de 5 ans.
[EN] This paper examines how closely the lunar calendar months of the Coligny calendar track the individual lunations over the 62 months of the 5-year bronze plaque, and in doing so, discovers an extraordinary precision to within a day either side of the average lunation. This means that each calendar month always starts at the same point in the lunar phase and the calendar can remain in sync with the moon indefinitely. The question of the overall shape of the calendar is further defined by assigning 29 days to Intercalary One, which then shows the calendar to be a Metonic calendar through four successive cycles of the 5-year base, and that in the one 5-year plaque we have the complete and only needed part of the entire calendar. This Metonic calendar could also be embedded as part of a larger 30-year age of 6 successive cycles of the 5-year base, again without the necessity of re-shaping the 5-year base cycle.
[EN] This paper examines how closely the lunar calendar months of the Coligny calendar track the individual lunations over the 62 months of the 5-year bronze plaque, and in doing so, discovers an extraordinary precision to within a day either side of the average lunation. This means that each calendar month always starts at the same point in the lunar phase and the calendar can remain in sync with the moon indefinitely. The question of the overall shape of the calendar is further defined by assigning 29 days to Intercalary One, which then shows the calendar to be a Metonic calendar through four successive cycles of the 5-year base, and that in the one 5-year plaque we have the complete and only needed part of the entire calendar. This Metonic calendar could also be embedded as part of a larger 30-year age of 6 successive cycles of the 5-year base, again without the necessity of re-shaping the 5-year base cycle.
Koch, John T., “Some Palaeohispanic implications of the Gaulish inscription of Rezé (Ratiatum)”, in: Guillaume Oudaer, Gaël Hily, and Hervé Le Bihan (eds), Mélanges en l’honneur de Pierre-Yves Lambert, Rennes: TIR, 2015. 333–345.
Estarán Tolosa, Mariá José, “Kuitoi Lekatos. Une nouvelle lecture de la pierre de San Bernardino di Briona (Novara)”, Études Celtiques 41 (2015): 95–109.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 41, 2015: <link>
abstract:
[FR] L’inscription gauloise de San Bernardino di Briona (Novare) est souvent citée pour illustrer les premiers stades de la romanisation de la Gaule cisalpine. Les épigraphistes ont eu tendance à considérer que cette inscription contenait une liste de noms propres, parmi lesquels se trouvait un praenomen romain appartenant à un legatus local, ce qui est un phénomène extrêmement rare. L’idée a été développée que ce kuitos lekatos aurait reçu ce titre honorifique pour services rendus à Rome. Cet article réévalue la notion de legatus dans le contexte historique de l’inscription et propose une nouvelle lecture du texte, fondée sur une autopsie. D’une part, la lecture traditionnelle en est considérablement transformée ; d’autre part, il apparaît qu’il n’y a pas de lien syntaxique entre le nom propre et le titre présumé.
[EN] Kuitoi Lekatos. A new reading of the inscription of San Bernardino di Briona (Novara). The Gaulish inscription from San Bernardino di Briona (Novara) is often mentioned in order to illustrate the first steps of Romanisation in Cisalpine Gaul. Epigraphical scholarship has tended to consider that this inscription contains a list of nouns among which there is a Roman praenomen, belonging to a local legatus, which is an extremely rare phenomenon. It is argued that this kuitos lekatos received this honorific title for having provided services to Rome. This paper discusses the concept of legatus in the historical context of the inscription and proposes a new reading of the text, based on an autopsy, which changes substantially the traditional one and shows that there is not any syntactical link between the name and the presumed position.
[EN] Kuitoi Lekatos. A new reading of the inscription of San Bernardino di Briona (Novara). The Gaulish inscription from San Bernardino di Briona (Novara) is often mentioned in order to illustrate the first steps of Romanisation in Cisalpine Gaul. Epigraphical scholarship has tended to consider that this inscription contains a list of nouns among which there is a Roman praenomen, belonging to a local legatus, which is an extremely rare phenomenon. It is argued that this kuitos lekatos received this honorific title for having provided services to Rome. This paper discusses the concept of legatus in the historical context of the inscription and proposes a new reading of the text, based on an autopsy, which changes substantially the traditional one and shows that there is not any syntactical link between the name and the presumed position.
Dupraz, Emmanuel, “Sur la formule d’introduction du Plomb du Larzac”, Études Celtiques 39 (2013): 193–210.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 39, 2013: <link>
abstract:
[FR] La plus longue inscription gauloise connue à ce jour, le Plomb du Larzac, commence par une formule d’introduction pour laquelle nous proposons une analyse linguistique et stylistique. Selon nous, cette formule comporte deux groupes nominaux parallèles introduits par la préposition in, «dans, contre» ; le premier est une attaque contre un charme attribué à des sorcières ; le second est une attaque stylistiquement parallèle contre le nom de ces sorcières. L’existence de pareilles formules de protection ou d’agression, d’abord à propos d’une entité, puis à propos d’un nom lié à cette entité, est bien documentée dans les Tables Eugubines, un des monuments les plus riches que nous possédions pour les religions italiques, et il peut y avoir eu une circulation de formules entre langues italiques et langues celtiques pour ce genre de texte.
[EN] On the introductory formula of the Larzac tablet.
The longest Gaulish inscription known at the present day, the Larzac lead tablet, begins with an introductory formula, for which I suggest a linguistic and stylistic analysis. In my opinion, this formula contains two parallel noun phrases, introduced by the preposition in, «in, against» ; the first one is directed against a spell attributed to several witches ; the second one, composed in a syntactically parallel way, is directed against the name of these witches. This kind of protecting or aggressive formulae, first towards an entity, then towards a name linked with the latter, is well attested in the Iguvian Tables, one of the richest documents we have on Italic religions, and formulaic models may have circulated between Italic and Celtic languages for such textual genres.
[EN] On the introductory formula of the Larzac tablet.
The longest Gaulish inscription known at the present day, the Larzac lead tablet, begins with an introductory formula, for which I suggest a linguistic and stylistic analysis. In my opinion, this formula contains two parallel noun phrases, introduced by the preposition in, «in, against» ; the first one is directed against a spell attributed to several witches ; the second one, composed in a syntactically parallel way, is directed against the name of these witches. This kind of protecting or aggressive formulae, first towards an entity, then towards a name linked with the latter, is well attested in the Iguvian Tables, one of the richest documents we have on Italic religions, and formulaic models may have circulated between Italic and Celtic languages for such textual genres.
Handley, Mark A., Death, society and culture: inscriptions and epitaphs in Gaul and Spain, AD 300-750, Oxford: Archaeopress, 2003.
abstract:
This volume is concerned with the monumental stone inscriptions from Spain and Gaul during the period from 300 to 750 AD, and therefore the vast majority of these inscriptions are Christian and Latin in origin, with a few Jewish and Greek ones as well. Inscriptions make up the largest body of surviving written material from this period, but this is a relatively ignored area of research. This study attempts to use this large body of evidence in order to better understand the cultural, social and religioushistory of these regions during the period in question. Handley begins by introducing Christian epigraphy and places the relevant Gallic and Spanish material in the context of the Latin West. He also discusses the ideas held about death and funerary inscriptions that were held in this period, and he is interested in the changes that occurred after Christianity became the official religion of the Roman Empire, as well as what happened after the fall of the Empire itself. Methods of the creation of these inscriptions is discussed, and Handley looks at literary sources as well as physical evidence, with the pattern emerging of workshops creating inscriptions from largely pre-prepared stones and written models. The usage of inscriptions is another importantquestion, and the evidence points towards inscriptions being mainly reserved for the higher classes and social élite. Handley also divides up all of the burials that have inscriptions into an analysis of different ages and genders; for example, he discusses the ratios of male to female inscriptions, as well as family commemorations. This enables the study to look at when women or the elderly were most likely to be commemorated with an inscription. Handley also looks at what demographic information these inscriptions can give us, with analysis of aspects such as average life expectancy, marriage age, seasonal fertility and seasonal mortality being collected. A large number of inscriptions also record the actual day of death, and this gives a large amount of information on the pagan names of the days and their continued usage, Christian names of days, as well as information on the use, and later development from, the Roman calendar system. These inscriptions also give information on the cults of saints in Gaul and Spain, and go into detail on the cult of St Martin of Tours, also discussing Spanish evidence for martyr cults, inscriptions in the town of Vienne, as well as pilgrim graffiti from Gaul and Spain. The study goes on to look at literacy levels during this period and discusses how much information these inscriptions can give us to determine this, and also covers other questions that this raises. In his conclusion Handley looks at the end of the practice of epigraphic inscriptions in Gaul and Spain during this period, with changes in commemoration practices, and in society in general, leading to a decline in the amount of inscriptions being made on tombstones. Inscriptions of these kind in the period in question are of importance because the epitaph that was placed on the stone became the 'embodiment' of the deceased and was a focus for mourning. The characteristics of the deceased were placed there on the stone, so the inscription therefore represented the dead. These inscriptions represented the social élite in the way that they wished to appear, and their very presence was a status symbol. This book opens up our eyes to the wealth of information that can be gained from such a large pool of information that these inscriptions represent.
Swift, Catherine, “Celts, Romans and the Coligny calendar”, in: Gillian Carr, Ellen Swift, and Jake Weekes (eds), TRAC 2002: proceedings of the Twelfth Annual Theoretical Roman Archaeology Conference, Canterbury 2002, Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2003. 13–27.
Koch, John T. [tr.], “Two Gaulish religious inscriptions: § 1. The Tablet of Chamalières”, in: John T. Koch, and John Carey (eds), The Celtic Heroic Age. Literary sources for ancient Celtic Europe and early Ireland & Wales, 4th ed., 1, Aberystwyth: Celtic Studies Publications, 2003. 1–3.
Koch, John T. [tr.], “Two Gaulish religious inscriptions: § 2. The Tablet of Larzac”, in: John T. Koch, and John Carey (eds), The Celtic Heroic Age. Literary sources for ancient Celtic Europe and early Ireland & Wales, 4th ed., 1, Aberystwyth: Celtic Studies Publications, 2003. 3–4.
Lambert, Pierre-Yves, “Les inscriptions gallo-grecques parues depuis les Textes gallo-grecs de Michel Lejeune (1985)”, Études Celtiques 35 (2003): 169–179.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 35, 2003: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Bibliographie commentée des inscriptions gallo-grecques qui ont été publiées depuis la publication des Textes gallo-grecs (1985) par Michel Lejeune, au tome premier du Recueil des Inscriptions Gauloises.
[EN] A commented bibliography about Gallo-Greek inscriptions published since the Textes gallo-grecs (1985) of Michel Lejeune, which appeared as the first volume of Recueil des Inscriptions Gauloises.
[EN] A commented bibliography about Gallo-Greek inscriptions published since the Textes gallo-grecs (1985) of Michel Lejeune, which appeared as the first volume of Recueil des Inscriptions Gauloises.
Jordán Cólera, Carlos, “De ΑΝΔΟΟΥΝΝΑΒΟ, ONNO y VXOVNE”, Études Celtiques 35 (2003): 249–256.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 35, 2003: <link>
abstract:
[FR] À propos de ΑΝΔΟΟΥΝΝΑΒ O, ONNO et VXOVNE.
Les théonymes gaulois Aνδοουνναβο et Vxoune sont probablement des noms de déesses des eaux. Ils ont déjà reçu plusieurs étymologies différentes. L’auteur accepte d’identifier dans le premier nom un préfixe ande- «au-dessous» ; le thème serait non pas *udna = Lat. unda, mais *umna, un nom de la rivière, issu de *ubna et apparenté à l'irl. aub, et au lat. amnis. Le gaulois onno cité dans le glossaire d’Endlicher doit avoir été extrait des noms de rivières en -umna > -onna (Garumna , Vultumna etc.). Enfin Uxoune comporte un préfixe uxe- de *upsi «au-dessus » (Uxoune : datif latin vulgaire).
[EN] About Gaulish ΑΝΔΟΟΥΝΝΑΒΟ, ONNO and VXOVNE.
Gaulish Ανδοουνναβο and Vxoune are the names of (female) water deities. They have already been given several different etymologies. The writer recognizes ando- as an underlying ande- «beneath» ; the base itself would not be *udna = Lat. unda, but *umna, a noun meaning «river», coming from *ubna and related to OIr. aub, and to Lat amnis. Gaulish onno, quoted in Endlicher's Glossary, has certainly be extracted from river names with the ending -umna (later -onna ), cf. Garumna, Vultumna etc. Finally Uxouna is formed with a prefix uxe- from *upsi «above» (Uxouna, dative sg. in Vulgar Latin).
Les théonymes gaulois Aνδοουνναβο et Vxoune sont probablement des noms de déesses des eaux. Ils ont déjà reçu plusieurs étymologies différentes. L’auteur accepte d’identifier dans le premier nom un préfixe ande- «au-dessous» ; le thème serait non pas *udna = Lat. unda, mais *umna, un nom de la rivière, issu de *ubna et apparenté à l'irl. aub, et au lat. amnis. Le gaulois onno cité dans le glossaire d’Endlicher doit avoir été extrait des noms de rivières en -umna > -onna (Garumna , Vultumna etc.). Enfin Uxoune comporte un préfixe uxe- de *upsi «au-dessus » (Uxoune : datif latin vulgaire).
[EN] About Gaulish ΑΝΔΟΟΥΝΝΑΒΟ, ONNO and VXOVNE.
Gaulish Ανδοουνναβο and Vxoune are the names of (female) water deities. They have already been given several different etymologies. The writer recognizes ando- as an underlying ande- «beneath» ; the base itself would not be *udna = Lat. unda, but *umna, a noun meaning «river», coming from *ubna and related to OIr. aub, and to Lat amnis. Gaulish onno, quoted in Endlicher's Glossary, has certainly be extracted from river names with the ending -umna (later -onna ), cf. Garumna, Vultumna etc. Finally Uxouna is formed with a prefix uxe- from *upsi «above» (Uxouna, dative sg. in Vulgar Latin).
Lambert, Pierre-Yves, Recueil des inscriptions gauloises, fasc. 2.2: Textes gallo-latins sur instrumentum, Suppléments à 'Gallia', 55, Paris: CNRS Éditions, 2002.
Olmsted, Garrett S., A definitive reconstructed text of the Coligny Calendar, Journal of Indo-European Studies Monograph, 39, Washington, D.C.: Institute for the Study of Man, 2001.
Aldhouse-Green, Miranda, and Marilynne E. Raybould, “Deities with Gallo-British names recorded in inscriptions from Roman Britain”, Studia Celtica 33 (1999): 91–135.
Colbert de Beaulieu, Jean-Baptiste, and Brigitte Fischer, Recueil des inscriptions gauloises, fasc. 4: Les légendes monétaires, Suppléments à 'Gallia', 55, Paris: Éditions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1998.
McCone, Kim R., “Der Teller von Lezoux”, in: Wolfgang Meid, and Peter Anreiter (eds), Die grösseren altkeltischen Sprachdenkmäler: Akten des Kolloquiums Innsbruck, 29. April-3. Mai 1993, 95, Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck, 1996. 107–117.
Schmidt, Karl Horst, “Larzac”, in: Wolfgang Meid, and Peter Anreiter (eds), Die grösseren altkeltischen Sprachdenkmäler: Akten des Kolloquiums Innsbruck, 29. April-3. Mai 1993, 95, Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck, 1996. 23–36.
Meid, Wolfgang, “Zur Interpretation der Inschrift von Larzac”, in: Wolfgang Meid, and Peter Anreiter (eds), Die grösseren altkeltischen Sprachdenkmäler: Akten des Kolloquiums Innsbruck, 29. April-3. Mai 1993, 95, Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck, 1996. 41–50.
Meid, Wolfgang, and Peter Anreiter (eds), Die grösseren altkeltischen Sprachdenkmäler: Akten des Kolloquiums Innsbruck, 29. April-3. Mai 1993, Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft, Sonderheft, 95, Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck, 1996.
Lambert, Pierre-Yves, “Grands textes magiques: Chamalières, Larzac”, in: Wolfgang Meid, and Peter Anreiter (eds), Die grösseren altkeltischen Sprachdenkmäler: Akten des Kolloquiums Innsbruck, 29. April-3. Mai 1993, 95, Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck, 1996. 51–85.
Koch, John T., “Some thoughts on the Gaulish inscription from Larzac”, in: Wolfgang Meid, and Peter Anreiter (eds), Die grösseren altkeltischen Sprachdenkmäler: Akten des Kolloquiums Innsbruck, 29. April-3. Mai 1993, 95, Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck, 1996. 37–40.
Lambert, Pierre-Yves, “Notes gauloises”, in: Wolfgang Meid, and Peter Anreiter (eds), Die grösseren altkeltischen Sprachdenkmäler: Akten des Kolloquiums Innsbruck, 29. April-3. Mai 1993, 95, Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck, 1996. 86–105.
Lyle, Emily, “The starting-points in the Coligny Calendar”, Études Celtiques 30 (1994): 285–289.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 30, 1994: <link>
Lambert, Pierre-Yves, La langue gauloise: descriptions linguistique, commentaire d'inscriptions choisies, Paris: Éditions Errance, 1994.
Lamoureux-Mangeot, Claude, “Trois termes mathématiques dans le Calendrier de Coligny ?”, Études Celtiques 29 (1992): 263–270.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 29, 1992: <link>
abstract:
[FR] L’auteur propose d’identifier les notations annuelles brigiomu riuri et ociomu riuri du calendrier gaulois comme des marques de calage et de synchronisation entre année lunaire et marche solaire zodiacale, d’où une proposition de traduction et d’étymologie.
En considérant que la notation associée devor iug a aussi un sens mathématique, l’auteur propose d’en déduire un calage de l’année astronomique gauloise. Ce dernier s’avère être compatible non seulement avec les rapprochements déjà proposés pour certains des noms des mois gaulois, mais aussi avec l’année celtique insulaire.
[EN] Three mathematical terms in the Coligny Calendar ?
We propose to identify the annual notations brigiomu riuri et ociomu riuri of the Gaulish calendar as wedging marks and synchronizers between lunar year and the zodiacal solar course, whence the proposed translations and etymologies.
Considering that the associated notation devor iug also has a mathematical function, we can propose to draw thither a blocking wedge for the Gaulish astronomical year. The latter reveals to be consistent not only with the comparisons already proposed for some of the Gaulish month-names, but also with the structure of the Insular Celtic year.
En considérant que la notation associée devor iug a aussi un sens mathématique, l’auteur propose d’en déduire un calage de l’année astronomique gauloise. Ce dernier s’avère être compatible non seulement avec les rapprochements déjà proposés pour certains des noms des mois gaulois, mais aussi avec l’année celtique insulaire.
[EN] Three mathematical terms in the Coligny Calendar ?
We propose to identify the annual notations brigiomu riuri et ociomu riuri of the Gaulish calendar as wedging marks and synchronizers between lunar year and the zodiacal solar course, whence the proposed translations and etymologies.
Considering that the associated notation devor iug also has a mathematical function, we can propose to draw thither a blocking wedge for the Gaulish astronomical year. The latter reveals to be consistent not only with the comparisons already proposed for some of the Gaulish month-names, but also with the structure of the Insular Celtic year.
McCluskey, Stephen C., “The solar year in the Calendar of Coligny”, Études Celtiques 27 (1990): 163–174.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 27, 1990: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Stephen C. McCluskey, L’année solaire dans le calendrier de Coligny
Le calendrier de Coligny présente le témoignage écrit le plus ancien des pratiques calendaires celtiques. Pourtant tel qu’il est écrit, il ne s’accorde pas avec une véritable année solaire. Un examen approfondi du calendrier révèle l’existence d’un type de notations qui est resté jusqu’ici inaperçu, les notations commençant par «PRI...» qui divisent l’année solaire en trimestres. Les quatre dates impliquées par la division trimestrielle (2 Rivros, 4 Cutios, 2 Equos et 4 Cantlos) pourraient marquer soit les fêtes celtiques de mi-trimestre, soit les solstices et les équinoxes. Cela conduit à supposer qu’à un certain stade de développement le calendrier a été mis en synchronisme empiriquement, par des observations du soleil qui étaient faites ou annoncées aux réunions politiques, commerciales ou religieuses des différents trimestres.
[EN] The solar year in the Calendar of Coligny
The Calendar of Coligny provides the earliest written evidence for Celtic calendric practice. Yet as written, it does not conform to a true solar year. A thorough examination of the calendar reveals a hitherto unnoticed pattern of pairs of notations beginning “PRI...” that divide the solar year into quarters. The four dates involved in these quarter divisions (2 Rivros, 4 Cutios, 2 Equos and 4 Cantlos) may mark either the Celtic mid-quarters feasts or the solstices and equinoxes. This strongly suggests that at one stage in its development the calendar was synchronized empirically by solar observations, which were probably made or announced at ceremonial, trading, or political assemblies at the quarters of the year.
Le calendrier de Coligny présente le témoignage écrit le plus ancien des pratiques calendaires celtiques. Pourtant tel qu’il est écrit, il ne s’accorde pas avec une véritable année solaire. Un examen approfondi du calendrier révèle l’existence d’un type de notations qui est resté jusqu’ici inaperçu, les notations commençant par «PRI...» qui divisent l’année solaire en trimestres. Les quatre dates impliquées par la division trimestrielle (2 Rivros, 4 Cutios, 2 Equos et 4 Cantlos) pourraient marquer soit les fêtes celtiques de mi-trimestre, soit les solstices et les équinoxes. Cela conduit à supposer qu’à un certain stade de développement le calendrier a été mis en synchronisme empiriquement, par des observations du soleil qui étaient faites ou annoncées aux réunions politiques, commerciales ou religieuses des différents trimestres.
[EN] The solar year in the Calendar of Coligny
The Calendar of Coligny provides the earliest written evidence for Celtic calendric practice. Yet as written, it does not conform to a true solar year. A thorough examination of the calendar reveals a hitherto unnoticed pattern of pairs of notations beginning “PRI...” that divide the solar year into quarters. The four dates involved in these quarter divisions (2 Rivros, 4 Cutios, 2 Equos and 4 Cantlos) may mark either the Celtic mid-quarters feasts or the solstices and equinoxes. This strongly suggests that at one stage in its development the calendar was synchronized empirically by solar observations, which were probably made or announced at ceremonial, trading, or political assemblies at the quarters of the year.
Schmidt, Karl Horst, “Zum plomb du Larzac”, in: Ann T. E. Matonis, and Daniel F. Melia (eds), Celtic language, Celtic culture: a festschrift for Eric P. Hamp, Van Nuys, California: Ford & Bailie, 1990. 16–25.
Meid, Wolfgang, Zur Lesung und Deutung gallischer Inschriften, Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft. Vorträge und kleinere Schriften, 40, Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck, 1989.
Lejeune, Michel, Recueil des inscriptions gauloises, ed. Paul-Marie Duval, fasc. 2.1: Textes gallo-étrusques, textes gallo-latins sur pierre, Suppléments à 'Gallia', 55, Paris: Éditions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1988.
Pinault, Georges, and Paul-Marie Duval, Recueil des inscriptions gauloises, fasc. 3: Les calendriers (Coligny, Villards d'Héria), Suppléments à 'Gallia', 55, Paris: Éditions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1986.
Fleuriot, Léon, “Inscription gauloise sur plomb provenant de Lezoux”, Études Celtiques 23 (1986): 63–70.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 23, 1986: <link>
Lejeune, Michel, Alain Vernhet, Robert Marichal, Léon Fleuriot, and Pierre-Yves Lambert, “Textes gaulois et gallo-romains en cursive latine : 3. Le Plomb du Larzac”, Études Celtiques 22 (1985): 95–177.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 22, 1985: <link>
Duval, Paul-Marie (ed.), Recueil des inscriptions gauloises, 4 vols, Suppléments à 'Gallia', 55, Paris: Éditions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1985.
Lejeune, Michel, Recueil des inscriptions gauloises, ed. Paul-Marie Duval, fasc. 1: Textes gallo-grecs, Suppléments à 'Gallia', 55, Paris: Éditions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1985.
Henry, Patrick L., “Interpreting the Gaulish inscription of Chamalières”, Études Celtiques 21 (1984): 141–150.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 21, 1984: <link>
abstract:
L’auteur de la tablette gauloise de Chamalières semble avoir fait une offrande au dieu de la fontaine. Le verbe uediiumi, comparé à irl. fíad «respect ; présence », signifie «rendre un culte ». L’auteur de la tablette utilise les charmes des femmes (brixtia anderon : avec gén. pl. de andera «jeune femme »). Il se désigne comme adgarios «invocateur ». Il invoque Maponos pour garantir un serment (serment : toncnaman, luge, luxe) et entraîne avec lui plusieurs personnages nommés, et le groupe des Segouii. Le contenu du serment n’est pas donné, mais la deuxième partie de la tablette décrit les effets attendus de l’intervention divine.
Fleuriot, Léon, “À propos de deux inscriptions gauloises, formes verbales celtiques”, Études Celtiques 18 (1981): 89–108.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 18, 1981: <link>
Fleuriot, Léon, “Inscriptions gauloises sur céramique et l'exemple d'une inscription de La Graufesenque et d'une autre de Lezoux”, Études Celtiques 17 (1980): 111–144.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 17, 1980: <link>
Duval, Paul-Marie, “Varia: La préparation du Recueil des inscriptions gauloises, par Paul-Marie Duval”, Études Celtiques 17 (1980): 278–280.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 17, 1980: <link>
Fleuriot, Léon, “Note additionnelle sur l’inscription de Chamalières”, Études Celtiques 16 (1979): 135–139.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 16, 1979: <link>
Fleuriot, Léon, “L’inscription gauloise de Thiaucourt et le problème des désinences verbales en -seti et en -setu du celtique antique”, Études Celtiques 16 (1979): 123–134.
Journal volume: Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 16, 1979: <link>
Lejeune, Michel, “Quel celtiquo dans ΔEΔEBPATOYΔEKANTEM”, in: Anna Morpurgo Davies, and Wolfgang Meid (eds), Studies in Greek, Italic, and Indo-European linguistics: offered to Leonard R. Palmer on the occasion of his seventieth birthday, June 5, 1976, 16, Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft, Universität Innsbruck, 1976. 139–151.
Szemerényi, Oswald, “A Gaulish dedicatory formula”, Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung 88:2 (1974): 246–286.
Gray, Louis H., “Notules étymologiques sur des inscriptions gauloises”, Études Celtiques 6:1 (1952–1954): 62–70.
