Sciences and learning
Health and medicine in Ireland
This article examines the healing of Caílte in the late twelfth- or early thirteenth-century text Acallam na senórach from a medieval medical perspective. According to the text, Caílte suffers from long-lasting injuries, particularly from mobility issues caused by a poisoned spear. The healing itself, performed mainly by Bé Binn, a female member of the Túatha Dé Danann, takes place in three stages: (1) healing through vomiting; (2) curing Caílte's head afflictions with a head rinse; and (3) extracting the poison and other gore from his legs. After this, as a parting gift, Bé Binn provides Caílte with a potion that restores his memory. This article argues that the healing sequence shows familiarity with medieval medical practice derived from European and Arabic medical sources up to two centuries before the appearance of the earliest medical manuscripts.
This article presents an edition and translation of an Irish didactic poem found in a large compilation of remedies, charms and prayers that was written in the early sixteenth century by the Roscommon medical scribe Conla Mac an Leagha. The contents of this poem, and of the treatise in which it occurs more generally, are of inherent interest for our understanding of the history of medical learning in medieval Ireland. However, the poem is also of particular significance due to the fact that its penultimate stanza, which invokes the authority of one ‘Colmán mac Oililla’, is attested in two much later sources that provide insight into the transmission and reception of medieval Irish medical texts in the early nineteenth century, as well as into the relationship between manuscript, print and material culture during that period. The two sources in question, one of which is a previously unprovenanced signboard now kept in the Wellcome Collection in London, can both be connected with the work of the Munster ‘herb doctor’ Michael Casey (1752?–1830/31), who in 1825 advertised the publication of a new herbal containing cures derived from much earlier Irish-language medical manuscripts.
This article presents an edition and translation of a short memorandum found in RIA MS 23 N 29 (Cat. 467). The text records the assassination of Mág Raghnaill, chief of Muintear Eólais, by rival members of his family on Easter Sunday 1502, and describes the assassins’ journey from Lough Ree to Lough Key with the slain chief’s ship.
D.A. Binchy believed that a crólige mbáis was an injury that had been diagnosed as fatal. He considered that the only compensation payable for such an injury was the payment provided for in Bretha Crólige §2. He stated that the law had changed significantly by the time of the later legal commentaries. These commentaries suggest (a) that a crólige báis was merely an injury that put the victim in danger of death, and (b) that the payment in Bretha Crólige §2 substituted only for the provision of sick-maintenance. The present article argues that the law in the commentaries on these two matters held good for the earlier period as well.
In 1698 Humfrey Wanley examined a manuscript at Gresham College, which had been described as a history of Pictland in the Pictish language. The book (now British Library, MS Arundel 333) contains titles to this effect added in the late sixteenth century, but, as Wanley realised, its texts are Irish medical translations from Latin, made at the beginning of the sixteenth century. A longer note about Pictish provinces, added by the same hand, and the identity of the writer are investigated; the hand is that of the owner of the book, Lord William Howard, rather than the historian William Camden as was thought in the past. Wanley’s correction appears in William Nicolson’s Scottish Historical Library in 1702 and in correspondence between himself and Edward Lhuyd in the same year. In 1702 Lhuyd discovered the englynion in the Cambridge copy of Juvencus, exchanging views with Wanley and others on this and further manuscripts containing early Brittonic words. Between 1702 and 1707 Lhuyd developed a theory that the Juvencus manuscript was written in the land of the Picts and that its Welsh verses, the oldest monuments of Hen Brythoneg, were in the Pictish language. He saw himself as uncovering both linguistic and manuscript evidence for British writing across the full range of British territory from south to north, Brittany to Caledonia. Lhuyd’s idea that Pictish was similar to British was followed by Innes, but modern Pictish scholarship has not recognised that the idea goes back so early.