Patrick
Sims-Williams s. xx–xxi
Works authored
The illustration on the front cover shows part of a second-century tombstone in the museum at Mannersdorf am Leithagebirge, Austria (no. PAN 113 in this Supplement). Nertomarus and his wife Toutomara erected it to commemorate themselves. His name Nertomarus is from Celtic nerto- 'strength' and maros 'great' (compare medieval Irish nertmar and Welsh nerthfawr 'strong'), while Touto- mara combines touto- 'people, land' (Irish tuath, Welsh tud) with the feminine mara 'great'.
The illustration on the front cover shows part of a second-century tombstone in the museum at Mannersdorf am Leithagebirge, Austria (no. PAN 113 in this Supplement). Nertomarus and his wife Toutomara erected it to commemorate themselves. His name Nertomarus is from Celtic nerto- 'strength' and maros 'great' (compare medieval Irish nertmar and Welsh nerthfawr 'strong'), while Touto- mara combines touto- 'people, land' (Irish tuath, Welsh tud) with the feminine mara 'great'.
Works edited
Contributions to journals
This article investigates three allusions to Irish characters in the Middle Welsh ‘Stanzas of the graves’, a poem in the Black Book of Carmarthen (c. 1250).
The fragmentary text of the Triads on the first two folios of the fifteenth-century Welsh law manuscript Llanstephan 116 is transcribed and collated with similar legal texts.
A systematic search for Celtic derivatives of IE *peug′‐ /*peuk′‐ ‘to pierce’ illustrates the extent to which Indo‐European etymological dictionaries have tended to overlook the existence of cognates in the Celtic languages.
A systematic search for Celtic derivatives of IE *peug′‐ /*peuk′‐ ‘to pierce’ illustrates the extent to which Indo‐European etymological dictionaries have tended to overlook the existence of cognates in the Celtic languages.
[EN] Hecataeus and Herodotus, who were contemporary with the earliest Celtic-language inscriptions in northern Italy and southern Switzerland, have been misunderstood as localising the Celts in Austria and south-west Germany, with the unfortunate result that its archaeological ‘Hallstatt culture’ has been wrongly labelled ‘Celtic’. In fact, Hecataeus and Herodotus point to locations in Gaul (as later confirmed by Timagetus, Pytheas, and Apollonius of Rhodes) and possibly in part of the Hispanic Peninsula (as stated by Ephorus in the fourth century). The Celtic area or areas in the Peninsula to which Herodotus and Ephorus may refer cannot now be defined, but need not have extended west of Celtiberia in central Spain, which is later the source of the earliest Celtic inscriptions in the Peninsula. In the mid-fourth century the Italian Celtic settlements around the Po valley are referred to by Pseudo-Scylax, and possibly by Apollonius in the third. By Apollonius’ day, Celts were already migrating eastwards, so that any subsequent evidence for their location, including onomastic data, is of doubtful value compared to that of the earlier writers, especially Hecataeus and Herodotus, despite their evident limitations and Mediterranean perspective. Even the earliest writers are too late to guide us to the area where the Celts and the Celtic language emerged. Negatively, however, we can conclude that they neither support a location in Germany or Austria in the east nor support a location on the Atlantic seaboard in the west. What they say is certainly consonant with Celtic origins in Gaul, but that hypothesis cannot be taken further without attaching speculative ethnic labels to prehistoric archaeological data.
[EN] Hecataeus and Herodotus, who were contemporary with the earliest Celtic-language inscriptions in northern Italy and southern Switzerland, have been misunderstood as localising the Celts in Austria and south-west Germany, with the unfortunate result that its archaeological ‘Hallstatt culture’ has been wrongly labelled ‘Celtic’. In fact, Hecataeus and Herodotus point to locations in Gaul (as later confirmed by Timagetus, Pytheas, and Apollonius of Rhodes) and possibly in part of the Hispanic Peninsula (as stated by Ephorus in the fourth century). The Celtic area or areas in the Peninsula to which Herodotus and Ephorus may refer cannot now be defined, but need not have extended west of Celtiberia in central Spain, which is later the source of the earliest Celtic inscriptions in the Peninsula. In the mid-fourth century the Italian Celtic settlements around the Po valley are referred to by Pseudo-Scylax, and possibly by Apollonius in the third. By Apollonius’ day, Celts were already migrating eastwards, so that any subsequent evidence for their location, including onomastic data, is of doubtful value compared to that of the earlier writers, especially Hecataeus and Herodotus, despite their evident limitations and Mediterranean perspective. Even the earliest writers are too late to guide us to the area where the Celts and the Celtic language emerged. Negatively, however, we can conclude that they neither support a location in Germany or Austria in the east nor support a location on the Atlantic seaboard in the west. What they say is certainly consonant with Celtic origins in Gaul, but that hypothesis cannot be taken further without attaching speculative ethnic labels to prehistoric archaeological data.
This paper discusses and categorises the various medieval and modern Welsh prepositions and particles yn and the initial mutations that follow them. It investigates possible manuscript variants such as Old Welsh int and it and Middle Welsh y, and examines variations in mutation. Historical explanations are suggested, including a new explanation of the absence of mutation in the productive yn + verbal noun construction, which is argued to have spread from the construction in which possessive pronouns between yn and the verbal nouns of intransitive stative verbs prevented yn from mutating the verbal nouns.
This paper discusses and categorises the various medieval and modern Welsh prepositions and particles yn and the initial mutations that follow them. It investigates possible manuscript variants such as Old Welsh int and it and Middle Welsh y, and examines variations in mutation. Historical explanations are suggested, including a new explanation of the absence of mutation in the productive yn + verbal noun construction, which is argued to have spread from the construction in which possessive pronouns between yn and the verbal nouns of intransitive stative verbs prevented yn from mutating the verbal nouns.
Milred, who was bishop of Worcester from 743 × 745 to 774 × 775, is almost as shadowy a figure in the history of Anglo-Latin literature today as he was in the sixteenth century when John Leland recorded in his Commentarii de Scriptoribus Britannicis: ‘invidiosa vetustas Milredi monumenta destruxit’. The only composition by Milred that has come to light, in a single ninth-century continental manuscript, is the letter of consolation that he sent to Lull of Mainz after St Boniface's martyrdom. Apart from its inherent interest, this letter, with its elegant use of Vergilian echoes, is a valuable indication of Milred's literary interests and aspirations. Better still, it ends with a tantalizing glimpse of the literary world in which Milred lived: a postscript in which he apologizes for failing to send a copy of the picture poems of Optatianus Porphyrius because Cuthbert, the archbishop of Canterbury, had failed to return them. It was perhaps this very copy of Porphyrius that served as the model for the decoration of the Codex Aureus (Stockholm, Kungliga Biblioteket, A. 135), which may have been produced at St Augustine's, Canterbury, during Cuthbert's time.
Milred, who was bishop of Worcester from 743 × 745 to 774 × 775, is almost as shadowy a figure in the history of Anglo-Latin literature today as he was in the sixteenth century when John Leland recorded in his Commentarii de Scriptoribus Britannicis: ‘invidiosa vetustas Milredi monumenta destruxit’. The only composition by Milred that has come to light, in a single ninth-century continental manuscript, is the letter of consolation that he sent to Lull of Mainz after St Boniface's martyrdom. Apart from its inherent interest, this letter, with its elegant use of Vergilian echoes, is a valuable indication of Milred's literary interests and aspirations. Better still, it ends with a tantalizing glimpse of the literary world in which Milred lived: a postscript in which he apologizes for failing to send a copy of the picture poems of Optatianus Porphyrius because Cuthbert, the archbishop of Canterbury, had failed to return them. It was perhaps this very copy of Porphyrius that served as the model for the decoration of the Codex Aureus (Stockholm, Kungliga Biblioteket, A. 135), which may have been produced at St Augustine's, Canterbury, during Cuthbert's time.
Contributions to edited collections or authored works
Miscellaneous
As honouree
Celts, Gaels, and Britons offers a miscellany of essays exploring three closely connected areas within the fields of Celtic Studies in order to shed new light on the ancient and medieval Celtic languages and their literatures. Taking as its inspiration the scholarship of Professor Patrick Sims-Williams, to whom this volume is dedicated, the papers gathered together here explore the Continental Celtic languages, texts from the Irish Sea world, and the literature and linguistics of the British languages, among them Welsh and Cornish. With essays from eighteen leading scholars in the field, this in-depth volume serves not only as a monument to the rich and varied career of Sims-Williams, but also offers a wealth of commentary and information to present significant primary research and reconsiderations of existing scholarship.
Celts, Gaels, and Britons offers a miscellany of essays exploring three closely connected areas within the fields of Celtic Studies in order to shed new light on the ancient and medieval Celtic languages and their literatures. Taking as its inspiration the scholarship of Professor Patrick Sims-Williams, to whom this volume is dedicated, the papers gathered together here explore the Continental Celtic languages, texts from the Irish Sea world, and the literature and linguistics of the British languages, among them Welsh and Cornish. With essays from eighteen leading scholars in the field, this in-depth volume serves not only as a monument to the rich and varied career of Sims-Williams, but also offers a wealth of commentary and information to present significant primary research and reconsiderations of existing scholarship.