Bibliography
Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel
de Bernardo Stempel
Works authored
De Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia, Muttergöttinnen und ihre Votivformulare: eine sprachhistorische Studie, Indogermanische Bibliothek. 3. Reihe: Untersuchungen, Winter Verlag, 2021.
abstract:
Widmungen an ‚MATRES‘ und ‚MATRONAE‘ waren in der Antike verbreitet und sind in vielen Museen zu sehen. Ihr Kult war ursprünglich keltisch, doch erfuhren Namen und Epitheta oft eine lateinische und manchmal eine germanische Wiedergabe. Erstmalig ohne örtliche und sprachliche Begrenzung werden hier 159 Namentypen nach den Prinzipien der vergleichenden Sprachwissenschaft analysiert. Genauere Anwendung indogermanischer Wortbildungsregeln und jüngerer Erkenntnisse zur keltischen Phonetik erlauben einfachere und z. T. ganz neue Etymologien.Die typologische Untersuchung hilft, die allmähliche Diversifizierung ebenso wie die Funktionen der Gottheit besser zu erkennen, die mit der Ikonographie im Einklang stehen. Eigene Sektionen behandeln die sich zeitlich verändernden Votivformulare, die Äquivalente des Haupttheonyms und ihre Verteilung, die Korpora der drei Sprachbereiche, Struktur, Phonetik und Semantik der Beinamen sowie die Forschungsgeschichte und die Funktionen der Muttergöttinnen insgesamt.Die Publikation wurde von dem Grupo de Investigación IT 1344 (Historia de la Lengua Vasca y Lingüística Histórica-Comparada) des Sistema Universitario Vasco mitfinanziert.
abstract:
Widmungen an ‚MATRES‘ und ‚MATRONAE‘ waren in der Antike verbreitet und sind in vielen Museen zu sehen. Ihr Kult war ursprünglich keltisch, doch erfuhren Namen und Epitheta oft eine lateinische und manchmal eine germanische Wiedergabe. Erstmalig ohne örtliche und sprachliche Begrenzung werden hier 159 Namentypen nach den Prinzipien der vergleichenden Sprachwissenschaft analysiert. Genauere Anwendung indogermanischer Wortbildungsregeln und jüngerer Erkenntnisse zur keltischen Phonetik erlauben einfachere und z. T. ganz neue Etymologien.Die typologische Untersuchung hilft, die allmähliche Diversifizierung ebenso wie die Funktionen der Gottheit besser zu erkennen, die mit der Ikonographie im Einklang stehen. Eigene Sektionen behandeln die sich zeitlich verändernden Votivformulare, die Äquivalente des Haupttheonyms und ihre Verteilung, die Korpora der drei Sprachbereiche, Struktur, Phonetik und Semantik der Beinamen sowie die Forschungsgeschichte und die Funktionen der Muttergöttinnen insgesamt.Die Publikation wurde von dem Grupo de Investigación IT 1344 (Historia de la Lengua Vasca y Lingüística Histórica-Comparada) des Sistema Universitario Vasco mitfinanziert.
de Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia, Nominale Wortbildung des älteren Irischen: Stammbildung und Derivation, Buchreihe der Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie, 15, Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1999. URL: <https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110931556>.
[Preliminary] -- Teil I: Primäre Stammbildungen -- Teil II: Derivation durch Suffigierung -- Teil III: Andere Mittel der Ableitung -- Register.
abstract:
This is part of the first systematic study of the formation of non-compound nouns and adjectives in Old and Middle Irish. It is divided into three sections: I. primary stem-formations; II. derivation via suffixation; III. other derivation modes. The analysis is both synchronic (inner-Irish) and diachronic (Celtic, Indo-Germanic) throughout and presents new findings of interest not least for the historical study of the phonology and morphology of Irish. It also charts new avenues for the description of word-formation in a corpus language. The analysis is based on a corpus of several thousand words whose etymologies have been verified.
[Preliminary] -- Teil I: Primäre Stammbildungen -- Teil II: Derivation durch Suffigierung -- Teil III: Andere Mittel der Ableitung -- Register.
abstract:
This is part of the first systematic study of the formation of non-compound nouns and adjectives in Old and Middle Irish. It is divided into three sections: I. primary stem-formations; II. derivation via suffixation; III. other derivation modes. The analysis is both synchronic (inner-Irish) and diachronic (Celtic, Indo-Germanic) throughout and presents new findings of interest not least for the historical study of the phonology and morphology of Irish. It also charts new avenues for the description of word-formation in a corpus language. The analysis is based on a corpus of several thousand words whose etymologies have been verified.
Works edited
Thurneysen, Rudolf, Gesammelte Schriften, ed. Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel, and Rolf Ködderitzsch, 3 vols, Buchreihe der Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie, 8, 9, 10, Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1991–1995.
Three volumes, published 1991-1995:
- I. Indogermanisches. Italisches. Romanisches
- II. Keltische Sprachen und Literaturen
- III. Keltisches Recht. Register zum Gesamtwerk
Three volumes, published 1991-1995:
- I. Indogermanisches. Italisches. Romanisches
- II. Keltische Sprachen und Literaturen
- III. Keltisches Recht. Register zum Gesamtwerk
Works edited
Hofeneder, Andreas, and Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel (eds), Théonymie celtique, cultes, interpretatio = Keltische Theonymie, Kulte, interpretatio: X. workshop F.E.R.C.AN., Paris 24.–26.Mai 2010, Mitteilungen der Prähistorischen Kommission, 79, Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2013. URL: <http://www.oapen.org/search?identifier=451552>.
abstract:
This tenth volume appearing within the framework of the ÖAW interdisciplinary research-project Fontes epigraphici religionum Celticarum antiquarum increases our understanding of several aspects of the religious traditions handed down by Celtic-speaking populations, from Britain and the Iberian Peninsula to ancient Italy and Dacia, all through the Gauls and the Germaniae.
G. BAUCHHENSS corrects some preconceived notions about iconography; F. BURILLO MOZOTA, J. A. ARENAS ESTEBAN and M. P. BURILLO CUADRADO investigate the cultural context of an astronomic platform at Segeda; P. SCHERRER puts the nautae Parisiaci pillar on a new hermeneutical basis; N. GAVRILOVIĆ looks for Celtic speakers in Eastern Europe. J. GORROCHATEGUI, M. C. GONZÁLEZ RODRÍGUEZ, P. LAJOYE offer partly revised readings of several votive inscriptions and divine names while P. Y. LAMBERT, B. RÉMY, X. DELAMARRE analyse theonymical epithets in different ways and N. BECK scrutinizes the relationship between deities and ethnics. P. DE BERNARDO STEMPEL discusses the transformations to be observed in a provincial pantheon from the first Celtic inscriptions to the latest Roman ones; W. SPICKERMANN questions the continuity between Pre-Roman and Romano-Celtic religion; A. HOFENEDER follows the trail of an Old Celtic and later syncretic deity up to the Imperial Roman historical tradition. M. HAINZMANN and P. DE BERNARDO STEMPEL present – with the help of numerous and easily understandable tables – an innovative systematization of the various syncretic phenomena known as interpretatio, whose geographic diversity is pointed out by F. MARCO SIMÓN.
abstract:
This tenth volume appearing within the framework of the ÖAW interdisciplinary research-project Fontes epigraphici religionum Celticarum antiquarum increases our understanding of several aspects of the religious traditions handed down by Celtic-speaking populations, from Britain and the Iberian Peninsula to ancient Italy and Dacia, all through the Gauls and the Germaniae.
G. BAUCHHENSS corrects some preconceived notions about iconography; F. BURILLO MOZOTA, J. A. ARENAS ESTEBAN and M. P. BURILLO CUADRADO investigate the cultural context of an astronomic platform at Segeda; P. SCHERRER puts the nautae Parisiaci pillar on a new hermeneutical basis; N. GAVRILOVIĆ looks for Celtic speakers in Eastern Europe. J. GORROCHATEGUI, M. C. GONZÁLEZ RODRÍGUEZ, P. LAJOYE offer partly revised readings of several votive inscriptions and divine names while P. Y. LAMBERT, B. RÉMY, X. DELAMARRE analyse theonymical epithets in different ways and N. BECK scrutinizes the relationship between deities and ethnics. P. DE BERNARDO STEMPEL discusses the transformations to be observed in a provincial pantheon from the first Celtic inscriptions to the latest Roman ones; W. SPICKERMANN questions the continuity between Pre-Roman and Romano-Celtic religion; A. HOFENEDER follows the trail of an Old Celtic and later syncretic deity up to the Imperial Roman historical tradition. M. HAINZMANN and P. DE BERNARDO STEMPEL present – with the help of numerous and easily understandable tables – an innovative systematization of the various syncretic phenomena known as interpretatio, whose geographic diversity is pointed out by F. MARCO SIMÓN.
Contributions to journals
de Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia, “Early British in Ratcliffe-on-Soar”, Études Celtiques 37 (2011): 141–146.
abstract:
[FR] Une tablette de plomb, trouvée en 1963 à Ratcliffe-on-Soar (Nottinghamshire), a été publiée par R. S. O. Tomlin dans The Antiquaries Journal, 84, 2004, p. 346-352. Il s’agit d’une defixio pour récupérer des objets volés. L’auteur réinterprète deux mots de la tablette comme des mots indigènes. En effet, là où R. S. O. Tomlin voit la formule si m(ulier) au[ t] si b(aro) RIANTINE, P. de B. St. propose de lire, si maup(enne), si briantine, c’est-à-dire une formule envisageant le statut social du voleur : cela est similaire au latin si servus, si liber, mais devrait se traduire plutôt, «que ce soit un homme libre de basse condition, ou un noble ».
[EN] A lead tablet, found in Ratcliffe-on-Soar (Nottinghamshire) in 1963, has been published by R. S. O. Tomlin in The Antiquaries Journal, 84, 2004, p. 346-352. This is a defixio written to recover stolen objects. The author’s proposal concerns in particular two words in the tablet which should be read as vernacular. Actually, what R. S. O. Tomlin understood as the formula si m(ulier) au[ t] si b(aro) RIANTINE, P. de B. St. would interpret as si maup(enne) si briantine, a formula concerned with the social status of the thief : it is similar to Latin si servus, si liber, but should rather be understood as «whether humble freeman, or nobleman ».
[EN] A lead tablet, found in Ratcliffe-on-Soar (Nottinghamshire) in 1963, has been published by R. S. O. Tomlin in The Antiquaries Journal, 84, 2004, p. 346-352. This is a defixio written to recover stolen objects. The author’s proposal concerns in particular two words in the tablet which should be read as vernacular. Actually, what R. S. O. Tomlin understood as the formula si m(ulier) au[ t] si b(aro) RIANTINE, P. de B. St. would interpret as si maup(enne) si briantine, a formula concerned with the social status of the thief : it is similar to Latin si servus, si liber, but should rather be understood as «whether humble freeman, or nobleman ».
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 37, 2011: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Une tablette de plomb, trouvée en 1963 à Ratcliffe-on-Soar (Nottinghamshire), a été publiée par R. S. O. Tomlin dans The Antiquaries Journal, 84, 2004, p. 346-352. Il s’agit d’une defixio pour récupérer des objets volés. L’auteur réinterprète deux mots de la tablette comme des mots indigènes. En effet, là où R. S. O. Tomlin voit la formule si m(ulier) au[ t] si b(aro) RIANTINE, P. de B. St. propose de lire, si maup(enne), si briantine, c’est-à-dire une formule envisageant le statut social du voleur : cela est similaire au latin si servus, si liber, mais devrait se traduire plutôt, «que ce soit un homme libre de basse condition, ou un noble ».
[EN] A lead tablet, found in Ratcliffe-on-Soar (Nottinghamshire) in 1963, has been published by R. S. O. Tomlin in The Antiquaries Journal, 84, 2004, p. 346-352. This is a defixio written to recover stolen objects. The author’s proposal concerns in particular two words in the tablet which should be read as vernacular. Actually, what R. S. O. Tomlin understood as the formula si m(ulier) au[ t] si b(aro) RIANTINE, P. de B. St. would interpret as si maup(enne) si briantine, a formula concerned with the social status of the thief : it is similar to Latin si servus, si liber, but should rather be understood as «whether humble freeman, or nobleman ».
[EN] A lead tablet, found in Ratcliffe-on-Soar (Nottinghamshire) in 1963, has been published by R. S. O. Tomlin in The Antiquaries Journal, 84, 2004, p. 346-352. This is a defixio written to recover stolen objects. The author’s proposal concerns in particular two words in the tablet which should be read as vernacular. Actually, what R. S. O. Tomlin understood as the formula si m(ulier) au[ t] si b(aro) RIANTINE, P. de B. St. would interpret as si maup(enne) si briantine, a formula concerned with the social status of the thief : it is similar to Latin si servus, si liber, but should rather be understood as «whether humble freeman, or nobleman ».
de Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia, and Jesus Alberto Arenas-Esteban, “Celtic dialects and cultural contacts in protohistory: the Italian and Iberian peninsulae”, Études Celtiques 37 (2011): 119–139.
abstract:
[FR] P. de B. St. propose une nouvelle dialectologie du celtique antique, mettant en valeur les contacts et les innovations communes. Elle propose aussi de faire commencer encore plus tôt la présence celtique en Espagne et en Italie : la présence d’éléments celtiques (non gaulois) dans les documents ibériques, comme en ligure, conduit à supposer plusieurs strates celtiques dans les deux péninsules. On peut donc distinguer au moins cinq strates successives de langues celtiques. Tout comme il y a eu des Celtes en Espagne avant les Celtibères, de même en Italie du Nord, le lépontique est précédé par un élément celtique présent en ligure : le ligure lui-même serait un parler celtique ayant conservé partiellement le -p-indo-européen, et présentant d’autres archaïsmes remarquables. L’auteur est ainsi amenée à définir un protoceltique un peu plus archaïque que ce que l’on croyait jusqu’ici. J. A. A. E. intervient pour présenter quelques éléments communs au niveau des cultures matérielles. Les auteurs supposent aussi qu’une partie de la celticité hispanique s’est développée sous l’influence des Celtes d’Italie, certains ayant atteint la Péninsule ibérique par la mer.
[EN] P. de B. St. proposes a new dialectology for Ancient Celtic languages, by stressing contacts and common innovations. She also proposes an earlier date for the introduction of Celtic in Spain and Italy : the presence of Celtic (non Gaulish) elements in the Iberian corpus, and in Ligurian would lead to suppose a multiplicity of Celtic layers in both peninsulas. At least, five successive layers of Celtic languages could then be distinguished. Exactly as there were Celts in Spain before the Celtiberians, in the same way in Northern Italy, Lepontic was preceded by a Celtic element present in Ligurian : Ligurian itself would be a Celtic language, partly preserving of Indo-European -p-, and presenting some other remarkable archaisms. The author is thus led to define a Protoceltic somewhat more archaic than has been supposed till now. J. A. A. E. exposes some common features in the material cultures. The authors also suppose that part of the Hispanic Celticity developed under the influence of the Italian Celts, some of whom might have reached the Iberian Peninsula by sea.
[EN] P. de B. St. proposes a new dialectology for Ancient Celtic languages, by stressing contacts and common innovations. She also proposes an earlier date for the introduction of Celtic in Spain and Italy : the presence of Celtic (non Gaulish) elements in the Iberian corpus, and in Ligurian would lead to suppose a multiplicity of Celtic layers in both peninsulas. At least, five successive layers of Celtic languages could then be distinguished. Exactly as there were Celts in Spain before the Celtiberians, in the same way in Northern Italy, Lepontic was preceded by a Celtic element present in Ligurian : Ligurian itself would be a Celtic language, partly preserving of Indo-European -p-, and presenting some other remarkable archaisms. The author is thus led to define a Protoceltic somewhat more archaic than has been supposed till now. J. A. A. E. exposes some common features in the material cultures. The authors also suppose that part of the Hispanic Celticity developed under the influence of the Italian Celts, some of whom might have reached the Iberian Peninsula by sea.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 37, 2011: <link>
abstract:
[FR] P. de B. St. propose une nouvelle dialectologie du celtique antique, mettant en valeur les contacts et les innovations communes. Elle propose aussi de faire commencer encore plus tôt la présence celtique en Espagne et en Italie : la présence d’éléments celtiques (non gaulois) dans les documents ibériques, comme en ligure, conduit à supposer plusieurs strates celtiques dans les deux péninsules. On peut donc distinguer au moins cinq strates successives de langues celtiques. Tout comme il y a eu des Celtes en Espagne avant les Celtibères, de même en Italie du Nord, le lépontique est précédé par un élément celtique présent en ligure : le ligure lui-même serait un parler celtique ayant conservé partiellement le -p-indo-européen, et présentant d’autres archaïsmes remarquables. L’auteur est ainsi amenée à définir un protoceltique un peu plus archaïque que ce que l’on croyait jusqu’ici. J. A. A. E. intervient pour présenter quelques éléments communs au niveau des cultures matérielles. Les auteurs supposent aussi qu’une partie de la celticité hispanique s’est développée sous l’influence des Celtes d’Italie, certains ayant atteint la Péninsule ibérique par la mer.
[EN] P. de B. St. proposes a new dialectology for Ancient Celtic languages, by stressing contacts and common innovations. She also proposes an earlier date for the introduction of Celtic in Spain and Italy : the presence of Celtic (non Gaulish) elements in the Iberian corpus, and in Ligurian would lead to suppose a multiplicity of Celtic layers in both peninsulas. At least, five successive layers of Celtic languages could then be distinguished. Exactly as there were Celts in Spain before the Celtiberians, in the same way in Northern Italy, Lepontic was preceded by a Celtic element present in Ligurian : Ligurian itself would be a Celtic language, partly preserving of Indo-European -p-, and presenting some other remarkable archaisms. The author is thus led to define a Protoceltic somewhat more archaic than has been supposed till now. J. A. A. E. exposes some common features in the material cultures. The authors also suppose that part of the Hispanic Celticity developed under the influence of the Italian Celts, some of whom might have reached the Iberian Peninsula by sea.
[EN] P. de B. St. proposes a new dialectology for Ancient Celtic languages, by stressing contacts and common innovations. She also proposes an earlier date for the introduction of Celtic in Spain and Italy : the presence of Celtic (non Gaulish) elements in the Iberian corpus, and in Ligurian would lead to suppose a multiplicity of Celtic layers in both peninsulas. At least, five successive layers of Celtic languages could then be distinguished. Exactly as there were Celts in Spain before the Celtiberians, in the same way in Northern Italy, Lepontic was preceded by a Celtic element present in Ligurian : Ligurian itself would be a Celtic language, partly preserving of Indo-European -p-, and presenting some other remarkable archaisms. The author is thus led to define a Protoceltic somewhat more archaic than has been supposed till now. J. A. A. E. exposes some common features in the material cultures. The authors also suppose that part of the Hispanic Celticity developed under the influence of the Italian Celts, some of whom might have reached the Iberian Peninsula by sea.
de Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia, “I ‘Compagni’ Celtici”, Études Celtiques 36 (2008): 85–88.
abstract:
[FR] L’étymologie du nom celtique insulaire du «compagnon, client, époux » , v. irl. céile, gall. cilydd, bret. (k)ile s’expliquerait par le thème verbal *ḱei- «reposer » , en partant de * ki-lo-s (avec -i-allongé en brittonique) / * kei-lo-s. L’étude envisage un certain nombre de mots gaulois pouvant comporter cet élément, comme celicnon «banquet/ salle du banquet » , duscelinatia (Larzac), cele (Châteaubleau) et des noms de personnes tels que Celecorix (monnaie).
[EN] The etymology of the Insular Celtic name for «compagnon, client, spouse » . céile, W. cilydd, Bret. (k) ile could be explained by the verbal stem * ḱei-«to lay » starting from * ki-lo-s (with lengthened -i-in Brittonic) / * kei-lo-s. This study considers some Gaulish words which could witness to this same element, such as celicnon «feast / banquest room » , duscelinatia (Larzac), cele (Châteaubleau) and Personal Names like Celecorix (on a coin).
[EN] The etymology of the Insular Celtic name for «compagnon, client, spouse » . céile, W. cilydd, Bret. (k) ile could be explained by the verbal stem * ḱei-«to lay » starting from * ki-lo-s (with lengthened -i-in Brittonic) / * kei-lo-s. This study considers some Gaulish words which could witness to this same element, such as celicnon «feast / banquest room » , duscelinatia (Larzac), cele (Châteaubleau) and Personal Names like Celecorix (on a coin).
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 36, 2008: <link>
abstract:
[FR] L’étymologie du nom celtique insulaire du «compagnon, client, époux » , v. irl. céile, gall. cilydd, bret. (k)ile s’expliquerait par le thème verbal *ḱei- «reposer » , en partant de * ki-lo-s (avec -i-allongé en brittonique) / * kei-lo-s. L’étude envisage un certain nombre de mots gaulois pouvant comporter cet élément, comme celicnon «banquet/ salle du banquet » , duscelinatia (Larzac), cele (Châteaubleau) et des noms de personnes tels que Celecorix (monnaie).
[EN] The etymology of the Insular Celtic name for «compagnon, client, spouse » . céile, W. cilydd, Bret. (k) ile could be explained by the verbal stem * ḱei-«to lay » starting from * ki-lo-s (with lengthened -i-in Brittonic) / * kei-lo-s. This study considers some Gaulish words which could witness to this same element, such as celicnon «feast / banquest room » , duscelinatia (Larzac), cele (Châteaubleau) and Personal Names like Celecorix (on a coin).
[EN] The etymology of the Insular Celtic name for «compagnon, client, spouse » . céile, W. cilydd, Bret. (k) ile could be explained by the verbal stem * ḱei-«to lay » starting from * ki-lo-s (with lengthened -i-in Brittonic) / * kei-lo-s. This study considers some Gaulish words which could witness to this same element, such as celicnon «feast / banquest room » , duscelinatia (Larzac), cele (Châteaubleau) and Personal Names like Celecorix (on a coin).
Luyken, Reiner [original author], Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel, Rolf Ködderitzsch, Herbert Pilch, Pádraig Ó Riain, and Karl Horst Schmidt [commentary], “Philologie und ihre Instrumentalisierung”, Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 49–50 (1997): 1055–1067.
comments: The original article was published in Die Zeit 30 (1996). It is here presented with a number of commentaries by Celtic scholars.
comments: The original article was published in Die Zeit 30 (1996). It is here presented with a number of commentaries by Celtic scholars.
de Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia, “Il celtibérico Pi.n.Ti.ś come antico composto indoeuropeo”, Études Celtiques 32 (1996): 117–124.
abstract:
[FR] Le celtibère Pi.n.Ti.s comme composé indo-européen ancien.
L’examen des trois étymologies proposées jusqu’ici pour le terme légal celtibère Pi.n.Ti.s révèle qu’il y a quatre objections possibles pour chacune d’elles. On propose à leur place une nouvelle analyse, par un composé radical / bin-di(k)s /. Tandis que l’élément verbal présente le degré zéro attendu de la racine indo-européenne *deik-, le déterminant *gwid-m pourrait être apparenté étymologiquement au gr. βία (Ion. βίη). La flexion accusative du premier élément du composé suppose l’existence préalable d’une périphrase verbale dont le substantif *gwәm-dik-s a pu être tiré après coup, par une formation parallèle à celle de lat. vindex. Ce dernier est généralement mis en rapport avec gr. īς , mais il pourrait aussi bien contenir le même premier élément que celtib. Pi.n.1ï.s, élément qui a été plus tard réinterprété comme l’acc. de vis. Il paraît d’ailleurs probable que Lat. vis continue à la fois i.e. *weis-et Ie *gwәio-. On doit cependant observer qu’en dépit de leur ressemblances sémantiques et structurales, les deux mots celtibère et latin ne sont pas nécessairement apparentés.
[EN] Celtiberian Pi.n.Ti.s as an ancient I.E. compound.
A review of the three etymologies offered so far for the Celtiberic legal term Pi.n.Ti.s reveals that each of them meets at least with four counter-arguments. Instead, a new interpretation as a root compound /bin-di(k)s/ is offered. Whilst the verbal element shows the expected zero grade of the IE root *deik-, the determinans *gwiә-m is suggested to be etymologically connected with Gk. βία (Ion. βίη). The accusative of the first member of the compound implies the existence of a previous verbal periphrasis from which the substantive *gwiәm-dik-s was later extracted in a way similar to that seen in Lat. vindex. Usually Lat. vindex is connected with Gk. Tç, but it might also contain the same first element as CIb. Pi.n.Ti.s, which was later re-interpreted as the acc. of vis. It seems even plausible that Lat. vis continues both IE *weis- and IE *gweiә-. It should be stressed, however, that in spite of their semantic and structural proximity the CIb. and the Lat. terms need not be etymologically related at all.
L’examen des trois étymologies proposées jusqu’ici pour le terme légal celtibère Pi.n.Ti.s révèle qu’il y a quatre objections possibles pour chacune d’elles. On propose à leur place une nouvelle analyse, par un composé radical / bin-di(k)s /. Tandis que l’élément verbal présente le degré zéro attendu de la racine indo-européenne *deik-, le déterminant *gwid-m pourrait être apparenté étymologiquement au gr. βία (Ion. βίη). La flexion accusative du premier élément du composé suppose l’existence préalable d’une périphrase verbale dont le substantif *gwәm-dik-s a pu être tiré après coup, par une formation parallèle à celle de lat. vindex. Ce dernier est généralement mis en rapport avec gr. īς , mais il pourrait aussi bien contenir le même premier élément que celtib. Pi.n.1ï.s, élément qui a été plus tard réinterprété comme l’acc. de vis. Il paraît d’ailleurs probable que Lat. vis continue à la fois i.e. *weis-et Ie *gwәio-. On doit cependant observer qu’en dépit de leur ressemblances sémantiques et structurales, les deux mots celtibère et latin ne sont pas nécessairement apparentés.
[EN] Celtiberian Pi.n.Ti.s as an ancient I.E. compound.
A review of the three etymologies offered so far for the Celtiberic legal term Pi.n.Ti.s reveals that each of them meets at least with four counter-arguments. Instead, a new interpretation as a root compound /bin-di(k)s/ is offered. Whilst the verbal element shows the expected zero grade of the IE root *deik-, the determinans *gwiә-m is suggested to be etymologically connected with Gk. βία (Ion. βίη). The accusative of the first member of the compound implies the existence of a previous verbal periphrasis from which the substantive *gwiәm-dik-s was later extracted in a way similar to that seen in Lat. vindex. Usually Lat. vindex is connected with Gk. Tç, but it might also contain the same first element as CIb. Pi.n.Ti.s, which was later re-interpreted as the acc. of vis. It seems even plausible that Lat. vis continues both IE *weis- and IE *gweiә-. It should be stressed, however, that in spite of their semantic and structural proximity the CIb. and the Lat. terms need not be etymologically related at all.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 32, 1996: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Le celtibère Pi.n.Ti.s comme composé indo-européen ancien.
L’examen des trois étymologies proposées jusqu’ici pour le terme légal celtibère Pi.n.Ti.s révèle qu’il y a quatre objections possibles pour chacune d’elles. On propose à leur place une nouvelle analyse, par un composé radical / bin-di(k)s /. Tandis que l’élément verbal présente le degré zéro attendu de la racine indo-européenne *deik-, le déterminant *gwid-m pourrait être apparenté étymologiquement au gr. βία (Ion. βίη). La flexion accusative du premier élément du composé suppose l’existence préalable d’une périphrase verbale dont le substantif *gwәm-dik-s a pu être tiré après coup, par une formation parallèle à celle de lat. vindex. Ce dernier est généralement mis en rapport avec gr. īς , mais il pourrait aussi bien contenir le même premier élément que celtib. Pi.n.1ï.s, élément qui a été plus tard réinterprété comme l’acc. de vis. Il paraît d’ailleurs probable que Lat. vis continue à la fois i.e. *weis-et Ie *gwәio-. On doit cependant observer qu’en dépit de leur ressemblances sémantiques et structurales, les deux mots celtibère et latin ne sont pas nécessairement apparentés.
[EN] Celtiberian Pi.n.Ti.s as an ancient I.E. compound.
A review of the three etymologies offered so far for the Celtiberic legal term Pi.n.Ti.s reveals that each of them meets at least with four counter-arguments. Instead, a new interpretation as a root compound /bin-di(k)s/ is offered. Whilst the verbal element shows the expected zero grade of the IE root *deik-, the determinans *gwiә-m is suggested to be etymologically connected with Gk. βία (Ion. βίη). The accusative of the first member of the compound implies the existence of a previous verbal periphrasis from which the substantive *gwiәm-dik-s was later extracted in a way similar to that seen in Lat. vindex. Usually Lat. vindex is connected with Gk. Tç, but it might also contain the same first element as CIb. Pi.n.Ti.s, which was later re-interpreted as the acc. of vis. It seems even plausible that Lat. vis continues both IE *weis- and IE *gweiә-. It should be stressed, however, that in spite of their semantic and structural proximity the CIb. and the Lat. terms need not be etymologically related at all.
L’examen des trois étymologies proposées jusqu’ici pour le terme légal celtibère Pi.n.Ti.s révèle qu’il y a quatre objections possibles pour chacune d’elles. On propose à leur place une nouvelle analyse, par un composé radical / bin-di(k)s /. Tandis que l’élément verbal présente le degré zéro attendu de la racine indo-européenne *deik-, le déterminant *gwid-m pourrait être apparenté étymologiquement au gr. βία (Ion. βίη). La flexion accusative du premier élément du composé suppose l’existence préalable d’une périphrase verbale dont le substantif *gwәm-dik-s a pu être tiré après coup, par une formation parallèle à celle de lat. vindex. Ce dernier est généralement mis en rapport avec gr. īς , mais il pourrait aussi bien contenir le même premier élément que celtib. Pi.n.1ï.s, élément qui a été plus tard réinterprété comme l’acc. de vis. Il paraît d’ailleurs probable que Lat. vis continue à la fois i.e. *weis-et Ie *gwәio-. On doit cependant observer qu’en dépit de leur ressemblances sémantiques et structurales, les deux mots celtibère et latin ne sont pas nécessairement apparentés.
[EN] Celtiberian Pi.n.Ti.s as an ancient I.E. compound.
A review of the three etymologies offered so far for the Celtiberic legal term Pi.n.Ti.s reveals that each of them meets at least with four counter-arguments. Instead, a new interpretation as a root compound /bin-di(k)s/ is offered. Whilst the verbal element shows the expected zero grade of the IE root *deik-, the determinans *gwiә-m is suggested to be etymologically connected with Gk. βία (Ion. βίη). The accusative of the first member of the compound implies the existence of a previous verbal periphrasis from which the substantive *gwiәm-dik-s was later extracted in a way similar to that seen in Lat. vindex. Usually Lat. vindex is connected with Gk. Tç, but it might also contain the same first element as CIb. Pi.n.Ti.s, which was later re-interpreted as the acc. of vis. It seems even plausible that Lat. vis continues both IE *weis- and IE *gweiә-. It should be stressed, however, that in spite of their semantic and structural proximity the CIb. and the Lat. terms need not be etymologically related at all.
Contributions to edited collections or authored works
Alfayé Villa, Silvia, Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel, and Cruz González Rodriguez, “La diosa Du(v)itera en una inscripción de Tejeda de Tiétar (Cáceres)”, in: Ralph Haeussler, and Anthony C. King (eds), Celtic religions in the Roman period: personal, local, and global, 20, Aberystwyth: Celtic Studies Publications, 2017. 229–252.
de Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia, “Matres endeiterae, deus sanctus Endovelecos, dea Nave, and other indigenous and classical deities in the Iberian Peninsula”, in: Ralph Haeussler, and Anthony C. King (eds), Celtic religions in the Roman period: personal, local, and global, 20, Aberystwyth: Celtic Studies Publications, 2017. 177–206.
Hainzmann, Manfred, and Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel, “Interpretatio Romana vel indigena im Spiegel der Götterformulare”, in: Andreas Hofeneder, and Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel (eds), Théonymie celtique, cultes, interpretatio = Keltische Theonymie, Kulte, interpretatio: X. workshop F.E.R.C.AN., Paris 24.–26.Mai 2010, 79, Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2013. 193–220. URL: <http://www.oapen.org/search?identifier=451552>.
de Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia, “Individuality in Celtic divine names: theonyms, epithets and theonymic formulae”, in: Wolfgang Spickermann (ed.), Keltische Götternamen als individuelle Option? = Celtic theonyms as an individual option?: Akten des 11. Internationalen Workshops ‘Fontes Epigraphici Religionum Celticarum Antiquarum’ vom 19.–21. Mai 2011 an der Universität Erfurt, 19, Rahden/Westfalen: Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH, 2013. 25–37.
de Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia, “Celtic and other indigenous divine names found in the Italian peninsula”, in: Andreas Hofeneder, and Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel (eds), Théonymie celtique, cultes, interpretatio = Keltische Theonymie, Kulte, interpretatio: X. workshop F.E.R.C.AN., Paris 24.–26.Mai 2010, 79, Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2013. 73–96. URL: <http://www.oapen.org/search?identifier=451552>.
de Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia, “Varietäten des Keltischen auf der Iberischen Halbinsel: Neue Evidenzen”, in: Helmut Birkhan (ed.), Kelten-Einfälle an der Donau. Akten des Vierten Symposiums deutschsprachiger Keltologinnen und Keltologen ... Linz/Donau, 17.-21. Juli 2005, Denkschriften, Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2007. 149–162.
de Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia, “Die Stummvokale: eine Bilanz für das Keltiberische”, in: Wolfgang Meid, and Peter Anreiter (eds), Die grösseren altkeltischen Sprachdenkmäler: Akten des Kolloquiums Innsbruck, 29. April-3. Mai 1993, 95, Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck, 1996. 212–256.
de Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia, “Gaulish accentuation: results and outlook”, in: Joseph F. Eska, R. Geraint Gruffydd, and Nicolas Jacobs (eds), Hispano-Gallo-Brittonica: essays in honour of professor D. Ellis Evans on the occasion of his sixty-fifth birthday, Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1995. 16–32.
