Roma (Elisa)

  • s. xx–xxi
  • (agents)
Roma, Elisa, “Nasalisation after inflected nominals in the Old Irish glosses: evidence for variation and change”, in: Elliott Lash, Fangzhe Qiu, and David Stifter (eds), Morphosyntactic variation in medieval Celtic languages: corpus-based approaches, 346, Berlin, Online: De Gruyter Mouton, 2020. 179–194.
Roma, Elisa, “Nasalization after inflected nominals in the Old Irish glosses: a reassessment”, Journal of Celtic Linguistics 19 (2018): 1–30.  
Thurneysen (1905) surveyed all instances of initial nasalization or lack thereof after inflected words in the following Old Irish texts: the Würzburg, St. Gall and Milan glosses (up to f. 74d in the case of the latter). Forms from other texts, such as the Cambrai homily, were occasionally compared. All instances in the Turin glosses were in fact listed. This paper attempts to reassess some principles for the presence or absence of nasalization, and relies on complete and newly gathered data from the Würzburg, St. Gall, Turin and Milan glosses.
Budassi, Marco, and Elisa Roma, “On the origin of the absolute vs. conjunct opposition in Insular Celtic”, Indogermanische Forschungen 123 (2018): 293–338.  

Despite more than a century of research, the origin of the Insular Celtic double system of verbal inflection is still debated. In this paper, we defend the thesis that the set of absolute endings originated by the agglutination of a subject clitic to the verb form. This clitic marked the declarative (vs. relative) use of verbs, since its distribution was complementary to that of the relative marker *yo. The present indicative as well as the preterite (in both the absolute and conjunct inflection) of one strong verb (berid ‘bring’) and one weak verb (lécid ‘leave’) are reconstructed according to this theory. For compound verb forms, the clitic ~ *yo alternation can be posited as well. The cases in which the distribution of initial mutations on the verb stem after preverbs does not follow the diachronic phonological rules of Old Irish (that is, there is no lenition after preverbs originally ending in a vowel) are accounted for from a synchronic standpoint. This “anomalous” behaviour can be explained by positing that a functionally relevant (morphological) system of mutations had replaced the previous phonology-based system.

Roma, Elisa, “Old Irish pronominal objects and their use in verbal pro-forms”, in: Raimund Karl, and Katharina Möller (eds), Proceedings of the second European Symposium in Celtic Studies: held at Prifysgol Bangor University from July 31st to August 3rd 2017, Hagen/Westfalen: curach bhán, 2018. 7–20.
Roma, Elisa, “Old Irish noun phrases: data from the Milan Glosses and a hypothesis for the origin of the single article constraint”, in: Elisa Roma, and David Stifter (eds), Linguistic and philological studies in Early Irish, Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 2014. 131–176.
Roma, Elisa, and David Stifter (eds), Linguistic and philological studies in Early Irish, Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 2014.  
This is a multi-authored volume which gathers essays devoted to Early Irish originally presented at the XIV International Congress of Celtic Studies, held in Maynooth, August 1-5, 2011. The topics covered, either from a synchronic or a diachronic perspective, range from phonetics and phonology to morphology and syntax with some semantics.
(source: Publisher)
Roma, Elisa, “How many definiteness markers per NP in Old Irish?”, in: Stefan Zimmer (ed.), Kelten am Rhein: Akten des dreizehnten Internationalen Keltologiekongresses, 23. bis 27. Juli 2007 in Bonn, 2 vols, vol. 2: Philologie: Sprachen und Literaturen, Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2009. 223–231.
Roma, Elisa, “How subject pronouns spread in Irish: a diachronic study and synchronic account of the third person + pronoun pattern”, Ériu 51 (2000): 107–157.


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